terms." Toward the end of the last administration, commissioners had been appointed to negotiate with the Creeks, for the sale of their lands; but having for some time enjoyed the comforts of civilized life, they refused to leave their territory to encounter hardships among the wilds of the west, and passed a law forbidding the sale of any of their lands under penalty of death. A few of their chiefs were induced, through fraud, to violate this law, ceding all the lands of the Creeks in Georgia and Alabama to the United States. The treaty was ratified by the Senate, on the last day of Monroe's administration; but when the Indians received intelligence of it, the excitement became so intense as to cause the death of the most prominent signers of the treaty, and an utter protestation on the part of the Creeks against the instrument. Governor Troup now clamoured for its execution, but the President refusea to regard it as a legal proceeding, and appointed an agent to investigate the matter; ana at the same time, General Gaines was ordered to repair to the disputed territory, to arrest any disturbance that might ensue. After receiving from the agent a report that bad faith and corruption had attended the treaty, the President decided not to suffer any interference with them until the meeting of Congress. Troup at first threatened to take the execution of the treaty into his own hands, but the firm and decided tone of the President induced him to leave the affair to the constituted authorities. The affair was soor. afterwards settled by a compromise treaty with the Creeks.

About the same time, various efforts were made to remove all the Indians east of the Mississippi, to the other side of that river, in a territory to be provided for them by Congress. These were attended with but little success. The Indians absolutely refused to yield any more of their land, and government was unwilling to obtain treaties to that effect by force.

The Marquis Lafayette had now spent a year in America. During that time he had visited all the principal cities, and among other places Bunker Hill, at the time of laying the corner-stone for its monument, where he listened to an eloquent address from the mouth of Daniel Webster. He saw many of the revolutionary battle-grounds, together with the dwelling-house and tomb of Washington. On the 7th of September, he took leave of assembled thousands at Washington, on board the new frigate Brandywine, prepared expressly for his conveyance. He had previously passed a few weeks at the President's house. Mr. Adams took leave of him in an impressive address, delivered before the civil authorities of the District of Columbia, the heads of departments, and the multitude. The parting address was delivered with great dignity and evident emotion.

The Congress of this year presented rather a strange spectacle. It was composed of several elements, invincible to harmony, and entirely opposed to the administration, not so much from political as from personal motives. One-third of the session was consumed in the consideration of measures VOL. II.-74

censuring the President and his secretary of state; and the most foolish and outrageous motives were imputed to them as the ground of their conduct. Mr. Adams was sustained, however, with great dignity by the Senate.

The subject of South American independence now engrossed a large share of attention. A convention of all the American republics was recommended by Simon Bolivar, and the concurrence of the United States requested. Government declined participating in this movement, until definitely assured of its objects; this being settled, representatives were sent on the part of the United States. The convention, however, did not assemble at the appointed time, and the delegates returned to their country.

During the year 1825, a general convention of amity and commerce between our country and the Republic of Columbia was concluded by the plenipotentiaries at Bogota, and signed by the President on the 31st of May, at Washington. In the following year, similar conventions were concluded with Denmark and the confederation of Central America.

On the 26th of July, 1826, John Adams and Thomas Jefferson closed their eventful lives, the one, ninety-one years old, and the other eightythree. The death of these two men, who were the pillars of the Declaration of Independence, on the same day, and just half a century after their signing that instrument, may be noticed as one of the most remarkable coincidences in our national history.

In 1828, after much angry discussion, Congress passed a bill of duties on foreign imports; which, although highly approved of by the north, met with much opposition in the opposite section of the Union. It added another to the numerous causes which were soon to burst like a storm on the administration. The law, however, continued in force until 1832.

From this time, until the presidential election, all classes were engaged in angry discussion upon the merits of candidates. Every interest seemed for a while absorbed in the universal passion for and against party. The great contest took place in the fall of 1828, amid a state of feeling unprecedented in the history of America. The most strenuous exertions were used by each party, and the election was most animated. It resulted in the defeat of Mr. Adams, and the election of General Jackson, as President, and Mr. Calhoun, as Vice-president. The vote of the electoral colleges stood a hundred and seventy-eight for Jackson, and eighty-three for Adams. Mr. Calhoun was re-elected by a hundred and seventy-one votes, over Richard Rush, who received eighty-three.

In his last annual message, the President entered into an able review of the condition of the country, and the state of our foreign and domestic relations. This paper differed from his three former messages, in discussing the subject of the tariff, which had before been omitted. Mr. Adams

hoped that the exercise of a constitutional power intended to protect the great interests of the country from the hostile legislation of foreign countries, would never be abandoned. Congress passed few bills of great interest. The feverish excitement of the political campaign was followed by a reaction both with that body and the people.

"Thus terminated," says the Annual Register, "the administration of John Quincy Adams; and whatever opinion may be entertained of its policy and its tendency, it cannot be denied that its character was marked and definite, and that it exercised a strong influence upon the interests of the country. The merits and demerits of his policy were positive and not negative. Certain definite objects were proposed as desirable, and the energies of the government were directed toward their attainment. The United States, during this administration, enjoyed uninterrupted peace; and the foreign policy of the government had only in view the maintenance of the dignity of the national character; the extension of its commercial relations, and the successful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments.

"It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government that the character of the administration was most strongly displayed: During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those powers vested in the federal government, for the development of the resources of the country; and the public revenue liberally expended in prosecuting those national measures to which the sanction of Congress had been deberately given as the settled policy of the government. More had been done in public improvement than during the administrations of all his predecessors. At the same time, the interest on the public debt was punctually paid, and the debt itself was in a constant course of reduction.

"In the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world, with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of $5,125,638 in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the United States was surrendered by Mr. Adams, on the 3d of March, he having previ ously left the government house, and relinquished the executive power The next day, General Jackson entered upon the administration of the government."

ADMINISTRATION OF ANDREW JACKSON.

ENERAL JACKSON delivered his inaugural address on the 4th of March, 1829, in the presence of Congress, the foreign ministers, and an immense concourse of specta tors. Immediately after, the oath to support the Constitu tion was administered to him by Chief Justice Marshall. He then nominated the following gentlemen to fill his cabinet. Martin Van Buren, of New York, Secretary of State; Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Secretary of War; John Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy; John McPherson Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney-general.

Before this it had been distinctly avowed by the government organs, that the President would reward those who had contributed to his election by promotions to office, even at the expense of expelling others. Accord ingly, the promised work began in earnest. Scarcely had the Senate adjourned, than a system of removal was commenced, unprecedented in the history of the nation. It even extended to men too humble to be claimed by any party, and who depended on their office for subsistence. Availing himself of the right to fill vacancies in the recess of Congress, the President, soon after their adjournment, removed the principal officers of the treasury, the marshals, and district attorneys, in most of the Eastern, Middle, and Western States, the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic ports, and the greater part of the receivers and registers of the land-office. An equally radical change was made in the diplomatic corps. During this recess of a few months, the number of appointments made in consequence of removal from office, was one hundred and seventy-six; while the num