صور الصفحة
PDF
النشر الإلكتروني
[graphic][merged small]

coup de main. The remembrance of Bunker Hill, and a desire to spare his men, restrained the British general from making an assault. On the contrary, he made demonstrations of proceeding by siege, and broke ground within three hundred yards to the left at Putnam's redoubt. Though General Washington wished for an assault, yet being certain that his works would be untenable, when the British batteries should be fully opened, he called a council of war, [August 30,] to consult on the measures proper to be taken. It was then determined that the objects in view were in no degree proportioned to the dangers to which, by a continuation on the island, they would be exposed. Conformably to this opinion, dispositions were made for an immediate retreat. This commenced soon after it was dark from two points, the upper and lower ferries, on East river. General McDougal regulated the embarkation at one, and Colonel Knox at the other. The intention of evacuating the island had been so prudently concealed from the Americans, that they knew not whither they were going, but supposed to attack the enemy. The field artillery, tents, baggage, and about nine thousand men, were conveyed to the city of New York over East River, more than a mile wide, in less than thirteen hours, and without the knowledge of the British, though not six hundred yards distant. Providence, in a remarkable manner, favoured the retreating army. For some time after the Americans began

to cross, the state of the tide and a strong north-east wind made it impossible for them to make use of their sail boats, and their whole number of row-boats was insufficient for completing the business in the course of the night. But about eleven o'clock the wind died away, and soon after sprung up at south-east, and blew fresh, which rendered the sail-boats of use, and at the same time made the passage from the island to the city, direct, easy and expeditious. Towards morning an extreme thick fog came up, which hovered over Long Island, and by concealing the Americans, enabled them to complete their retreat without interruption, though the day had begun to dawn some time before it was finished. By a mistake in the transmission of orders, the American lines were evacuated for about three-quarters of an hour before the last embarkation took place; but the British, though so near that their working parties could be distinctly heard, being enveloped in the fog, knew nothing of the matter. The lines were repossessed and held till six o'clock in the morning. When every thing, except some heavy cannon, was removed, General Mifflin, who commanded the rearguard, left the lines, and under the cover of the fog got off safe. In about half an hour the fog cleared away, and the British entered the works which had been just relinquished. Had the wind not shifted, the half of the American army could not have crossed; and even as it was, if the fog had not concealed their rear, it must have been discovered, and could hardly have escaped. General Sullivan, who was taken prisoner on Long Island, was immediately sent on parole, with the following verbal message from Lord Howe to Congress, "that though he could not at present treat with them in that character, yet he was very desirous of having a conference with some of the members, whom he would consider as private gentlemen; that he, with his brother the general, had full powers to compromise the dispute between Great Britain and America, upon terms advantageous to both-that he wished a compact might be settled, at a time when no decisive blow was struck, and neither party could say it was compelled to enter into such agreement-that were they disposed to treat, many things which they had not yet asked might and ought to be granted, and that if upon conference they found any probable ground of accommodation, the authority of Congress would be afterwards acknowledged to render the treaty complete." Three days after this message was received, General Sullivan was requested to inform Lord Howe, "that Congress being the representatives of the free and independent states of America, they cannot with propriety send any of their members to confer with his lordship in their private characters; but that ever desirous of establishing peace on reasonable terms, they will send a committee of their body, tc know whether he has any authority to treat with persons authorized by Congress for that purpose, on behalf of America, and what that authority is; and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make respecting

[blocks in formation]

the same." They elected Dr. Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, their committee for this purpose. In a few days they met Lord Howe on Staten Island, and were received with great politeness. On their return they made a report of their conference, which they summed up by saying, "It did not appear to your committee that his lordship's commission contained any other authority than that expressed in the act of parliament-namely, that of granting pardons, with such exceptions as the commissioners shall think proper to make, and of declaring America, or any part of it, to be in the king's peace, on submission: For as to the power of inquiring into the state of America, which his lordship mentioned to us. and of conferring and consulting with any persons the commissioners might think proper, and representing the result of such conversation to the ministry, who, provided the colonies would subject themselves, might after all, or might not, at their pleasure, make any alterations in the former instructions to governors, or propose in parliament any amendment of the acts complained of, we apprehended any expectation from the effect of such a power would have been too uncertain and precarious to be relied on by America, had she still continued in her state of dependence." Lord Howe had ended the conference on his part, by expressing his regard for America, and the extreme pain he would suffer in being obliged to distress those whom he so much regarded. Dr. Franklin thanked him for his regards, and assured him, "that the Americans would show their gratitude, by endeavouring to lessen as much as possible all pain he might feel on their account, by exerting their utmost abilities in taking good care of themselves."

The committee in every respect maintained the dignity of Congress. Their conduct and sentiments were such as became their character. The friends to independence rejoiced that nothing resulted from this interview that might disunite the people. Congress, trusting to the good sense of their countrymen, ordered the whole to be printed for their information. All the states would have then rejoiced at less beneficial terms than they obtained about seven years after. But Great Britain counted on the certainty of their absolute conquest, or unconditional submission. Her offers, therefore, comported so little with the feelings of America, that they neither caused demur nor disunion among the new-formed states.

The unsuccessful termination of the action on the 27th, led to conse quences more seriously alarming to the Americans than the loss of their

Their army was universally dispirited. The militia ran off by companies. Their example infected the regular regiments. The loose footing on which the militia came to camp, made it hazardous to exercise over them that discipline, without which an army is a mob. To restrain one part of an army, while another claimed and exercised the right of doing as they pleased, was no less impracticable than absurd.

[graphic]

1

INDEPENDENCE HALL

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.

N former ages it was common for a part of a community to migrate, and erect themselves into an independent society. Since the earth has been more fully peopled, and especially since the principles of union have been better understood, a different policy has prevailed. A fondness for planting colonies has, for three preceding centuries, given full scope to a disposition for emigration, and at the same time the emigrants have

been retained in a connection with their parent state. By these means Europeans have made the riches both of the east and west subservient to their avarice and ambition. Though they occupy the smallest portion of the four quarters of the globe, they have contrived to subject the other three to their influence or command.

[graphic]

The circumstances under which New England was planted, would a few centuries ago have entitled them, from their first settlement, to the privileges of independence. They were virtually exiled from their native country, by being denied the rights of men-they set out on their own expense, and after purchasing the consent of the native proprietors, im proved an uncultivated country, to which, in the eye of reason and philoso phy, the king of England had no title.

If it is lawful for individuals to relinquish their native soil, and pursue their own happiness in other regions, and under other political associations, the settlers of New England were always so far independent as to owe no obedience to their parent state, but such as resulted from their voluntary assent. The slavish doctrine of the divine right of kings, and the corruptions of Christianity, by undervaluing heathen titles, favoured an opposite system. What for several centuries after the Christian era would have been called the institution of a new government, was by modern refinement denominated only an extension of the old, in the form of a dependent colony. Though the prevailing ecclesiastical and political creeds tended to degrade the condition of the settlers in New England, yet there was always a party there which believed in their natural right to independence. They recurred to first principles, and argued, that as they received from government nothing more than a charter, founded on ideal claims of sovereignty, they owed it no other obedience than what was derived from express or implied compact. It was not till the present century had more than half elapsed, that it occurred to any number of the colonists, that they had an interest in being detached from Great Britain. Their attention was first turned to this subject, by the British claim of taxation. This opened a melancholy prospect, boundless in extent, and endless in duration. The Boston Port Act, and the other acts, passed in 1774 and 1775, which have been already the subject of comment, progressively weakened the attachment of the colonists to the birth place of their forefathers. The commencement of hostilities on the 19th of April, 1775, exhibited the parent state in an odious point of view, and abated the original dread of separating from it. But nevertheless, at that time, and for a twelve-month after, a majority of the colonists wished for no more than to be re-established as subjects in their ancient rights. Had independence been their object even at the commencement of hostilities, they would have rescinded these associations which have been already mentioned, and imported more largely than ever. Common sense revolts at the idea, that colonists, unfurnished with military stores, and wanting manufactures of every kind, should at the time of their intending a serious struggle for independence, by a voluntary agreement, deprive themselves of the obvious means of procuring such foreign supplies as their circumstances might make necessary. Instead of pursuing a line of conduct which might have been dictated by a wish for independence, they

« السابقةمتابعة »