FRIDAY, MARCH 28TH.

The Committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one freeman.

Mr. WOLCOTT was for rating them as four to three.

Mr. CARROLL as four to one.

Mr. WILLIAMSON said he was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay

taxes.

Mr. HIGGINSON as four to three.

Mr. RUTLEDGE said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would be a juster proportion.

Mr. HOLTEN as four to three.

Mr. OSGOOD said he did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them as three to two, the votes were, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode Island, divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North Carolina, no; South Carolina, no.

The paragraph was then postponed, by general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it; but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be agreed to.

After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into view, Mr. MADISON said that, in order to give a proof of the sincerity

of his professions of liberality, he would propose that slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE seconded the motion. Mr. WILSON said he would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.

Mr. LEE was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that two slaves were not equal to one freeman.

On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye.

A motion was then made by Mr. BLAND, seconded by Mr. LEE, to strike out the clause so amended, and, on the question "shall it stand," it passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.

The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as the children of laboring families; that, having no inte

rest in their labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in agriculture, not in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was much more against the Southern States than the others.

On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. FLOYD, aye;) New Jersey, aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, no.

SATURDAY, MARCH 29TH.

The objections urged against the motion of Mr. LEE, on the Journal, calling for a specific report of the Superintendent of Finance as to moneys passing through his hands, were, that the information demanded from the Office of Finance had, during a great part of the period, been laid before Congress, and was then actually on the table; that the term application of money was too indefinite, no two friends of the motion agreeing in the meaning of it; and that if it meant no more than immediate payments, under the warrants of the Superintendent, to those who were to expend the money, it was unnecessary, the Superintendent being already impressed with his duty on that subject; that if it meant the ultimate payment for articles or services for the public, it imposed a task that would be impracticable to VOL. I.-27*

the Superintendent, and useless to Congress, who could no otherwise examine them than through the department of accounts, and the committees appointed half-yearly for inquiring into the whole proceedings; and that, if the motion were free from those objections, it ought to be so varied as to oblige the Office of Finance to report the information periodically; since it would otherwise depend on the memory or vigilance of members, and would, moreover, have the aspect of suspicion towards the officer called upon.

N. B. As the motion was made at first, the word "immediately" was used; which was changed for the words "as soon as may be," at the instance of Mr. HOLTEN.

The object of the motion of Mr. MADISON was to define and comprehend every information practicable and necessary for Congress to know, and to enable them to judge of the fidelity of their Minister, and to make it a permanent part of his duty to afford it. The clause respecting copies of receipts was found, on discussion, not to accord with the mode of conducting business, and to be too voluminous a task; but the question was taken without a convenient opportunity of correcting it. The motion was negatived.62

MONDAY, MARCH 31ST.

A letter was received from the Governor of Rhode Island, with resolutions of the Legislature of that State, justifying the conduct of Mr. HOWELL.

63

On the arrival of the French cutter with the account of the signing of the general preliminaries, it was thought fit by Congress to hasten the effect of them by calling in the American cruisers. It was also thought, by all, not amiss to notify simply the intelligence to the British commanders at New York. In addition to this, it was proposed by the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and urged by the Delegates of Pennsylvania, by Mr. LEE, Mr. RutLEDGE and others, that Congress should signify their desire and expectation that hostilities should be suspended at sea on the part of the enemy. The arguments urged were, that the effusion of blood might be immediately stopped, and the trade of the country rescued from depredation. It was observed, on the other side, that such a proposition derogated from the dignity of Congress; showed an undue precipitancy; that the intelligence was not authentic enough to justify the British commanders in complying with such an overture; and, therefore, that Congress would be exposed to the mortification of a refusal. The former consideration prevailed, and a verbal sanction was given to Mr. Livingston's expressing to the said commanders the expectation of Congress. This day their answers were received, addressed to Robert R. Livingston, Esquire, &c., &c., &c., declining to accede to the stopping of hostilities at sea, and urging the necessity of authentic orders from Great Britain for that purpose. With their letters, Mr. Livingston communicated resolutions proposed from his office, "that, in consequence of these letters, the orders to the American cruisers should be revoked; and that the