Why in the midst of so much outward resemblance are some nations free and prosperous, while others, their nearest neighbours, are unprosperous and in bonds?

This invites particular attention to the fact that even now nothing is more diverse than the genius of the different nations, notwithstanding their near resemblance in outward civilisation. We have said already that much progress has been made of late on all sides towards the attainment of liberty and refinement; but very different are the ways in which the same ends have been sought for, very different the appliances used in attaining them. Of course every nation has a time, and if it is of the right sort, not one time only, to develop itself fully; but, as liberty and greatness grow, and are not acquired, it depends mainly on the character of the people how their growth is directed, and whether that growth shall be stunted or luxuriant. In general acceptance the republican form of government is regarded as the most free; and so it has been found in the United States, in Holland, and in Switzerland. But it does not equally suit the character of all nations; and in several places the monarchical form has been preferred, as being in all respects. more convenient without being less free. England, the freest country in the world, is monarchical ; while Spain, the country of brigands and ruffians, was, recently at least, a republic. All America, with the exception of Canada and Brazil, is republican; but, barring the United States, the republics everywhere are based entirely on military force, and are necessarily subject to constant revolutions, and not in any sense free. No two constitutions anywhere are precisely alike; nor do the teachings of

the past inculcate that they should be so. The actions of men proceed from their need; that need varies according to time and place, and still more according to the views entertained of it in different places: the actions necessarily are different, and the results dissimilar. The need, moreover, is often, very often, misinterpreted and misdirected by passions and private aims, to which the greatness of nations, the wisdom of states, and the wellbeing of administrations are often unscrupulously sacrificed. Few, very few, are the states in which passions and private aims cannot be gratified at the expense of the general weal. Such being the diversities that influence mankind, it is not strange that the results are so dissimilar.

Nor does the contest for greatness and liberty suit all states, at least at all times; and it is certain that nations are not necessarily wretched because they happen to be less great or less free. As in individual, so in national life, a limited sphere of action seems often to afford a greater degree of wellbeing, if not of happiness, than the most unbounded freedom. A shepherd or a peasant is not less happy than a prime minister or a prince; and intrinsically the Swedes and the Danes are not less well off than the English or the French. It is the necessary fate of Asiatic nations to be subject to the domination of Europeans; and India is held by the English, and all Siberia by the Russians. Their dependence doubtless is to them a political misfortune; but they are really happier in it than they ever were in their freedom. If they could be both happy and free, which would be the case if they were also powerful, that would doubtless be the best state for them. But under existing circumstances

they are not unhappy; and, in the case of Egypt, it is doubtful if she is not happier than the sovereign state. The development of nations requires a perpetual change of position; but for states in the condition of Siberia and India, a course of dependence, when it secures rest and peace, is apparently better suited. Even progress itself marks its onward course most frequently by convulsions; but, for progress to be so attained, all countries are not equally qualified. That qualification must be acquired; and it can only be acquired by a preparative course of rest, which is therefore not dear even when it is purchased by subjection.

The

States of the above description, however, will require little attention in our present inquiry, which will mainly embrace the states of Europe, which are all more or less free. America in such a review stands only as an offshoot of Europe, and will be noticed as such. The old races in it, treated with violence, have nearly died out, except in South America, where the Spaniards and the Portuguese intermixed with them and raised up a spurious race. This distinction deserves to be remembered. whole of North America, with the exception of Mexico and the states to the south of it, has been colonised by emigrants from Europe, and the native Americans extirpated; the whole of South America, and Mexico in North America, were conquered, and the native races though treated with unusual atrocity—were not exterminated. Regarding Africa there is little to mention, as that continent scarcely forms a historical part of the world yet, having no movement or development to exhibit, except in the coast land on the north, the history of which belongs to the histories of Europe and Asia. Of Asia,

also, the account to be given must necessarily be slender, as her destiny in the modern world is generally that of subjection to European authority, which Russia, at least, is working out with persistent pertinacity. The independent states in Asia are the effete ones of the ancient world, to which a very cursory allusion only need be made. Of all countries the general spirit and political formation only will be noticed, and those events which have created an epoch or changed the aspect and aspirations of the people.

CHAPTER II.

GREAT BRITAIN.

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GREAT BRITAIN occupies a very insignificant position in the map of the world, but there is no part of that map to which her dominion does not extend. Let the reader spread out before him the chart of the two hemispheres and run his eye over all the strategical points therein, and he will find that almost all of them are held by the Mistress of the Seas. They have been won for her by her soldiers and sailors in the quietest manner possiblemanner peculiar to her children; and they virtually secure to her an almost universal dominion, which places her foremost in the scale of empires. With this material superiority she has also secured a moral pre-eminence of a yet higher character. Her institutions are at this moment absolutely the best in the world, her government the least faulty; and thus well balanced at home and abroad, she retains a steadfast position, unaffected by political storms either from without or within. True liberty, which is bragged of everywhere, is really domiciled only within the seas which gird the British Isles. Dethroned princes, runaway potentates, persecuted ministers and patriots, exiles of every description,