Lord A. Hamilton's motion on Barons of Exch. in Scot.; never f. red.

Waterford, County. R. POWER. Voted f. the Qu.; f. Cath. Emanc.; f. rep. of taxes and retrenchment.

Lord G. BERESFORD. Voted ag. the Qu.; ag. Cath. Emanc.; ag. rep. of Malt tax; never f. retrenchment or rep. of taxes.

Waterford, City. Rt. Hon. Sir J. NEWPORT. Voted f. the Qu.; f. Cath. Emanc.; one of Mr. Hume's phalanx.'

Westmeathshire. Hon. H. PAKENHAM. Voted ag. the Qu.; f. Grant to D. of Clarence; never f. red. or rep. of taxes; ag. Cath. Emanc.

Hon. G. ROCHFORD. Voted ag. rep. of Malt tax. We cannot trace his attendance on any other questions to which we refer.

Wexford, County. Viscount STOPFORD. Voted ag. the Qu.; f. rep. of Malt tax on the first division; ag. rep. of Malt tax on second division; ag. Cath. Emanc.; never f. any red.

R. S. CAREW. Voted f. the Q.; f. Cath. Emanc.; f. rep. of taxes and red.

Wexford, City. W. WIGRAM. Voted ag. the Qu.; ag. Cath. Emanc.; f. Grant to D. of Clarence; ag. rep. of Malt tax. Never f. rep. of taxes, or f. red.

Wicklowshire.

nulla vestigia.

Hon. G. L. PROBY. If he ever attended,

J. GRATTAN. Voted f. Cath. Emanc.; did not vote on the Qu.'s case; frequently voted f. Mr. Hume and Mr. Creevey's motions; voted ag. Grant to D. of Clarence; f. rep. of Malt tax.

The following questions naturally occur to our minds in considering the state of the Sister-Country.

Why is a Protestant establishment imposed on a Catholic population? Why are a distressed people compelled to pay a clergyman who has no duties to perform, as well as a priest of their own religious persuasion? What, we ask, would have been the state of Scotland if we had forced upon that country our church establishments?—and why is a different system from that framed for Scotland followed towards unhappy Ireland? If, however, it be resolved, that the Protestant ministers having been once introduced, the proposition of withdrawing them will never be admitted, can there be any objection, any doubt of the duty that devolves on the maintainers of Uniformity, to pay for the support of their own theory, and not sacrifice the substantial good of the nation for the sake of form? It will not be contended, we presume, that the

Extract from speech of Sir J. Newport, June 14, 1821. " If the agriculturists understood their true interests, they would support all propositions for the reduction of the public expenditure."

system should be continued with the view of destroying Catholicism: the folly, no less than the wickedness of such a scheme, has been too long apparent. Let then the Protestant clergy of Ireland be paid by the government, and the irritation which demoralises, while it alienates from us the Catholic population of Ireland, will be removed. By respecting their feelings, not by outraging them; by suiting our legislation to their circumstances, not by striving to coerce their conformity to our legislation, may we aloue hope to reform their habits, and secure their submission. The country must be relieved from wretchedness, before it can be advanced in civilisation.

Our readers are acquainted with the scheme of the cabinet for curing the landed interest of its complaints. The sanguine must have been wofully disappointed. For our parts, we confess it to be as good as we could expect. From what passed in the House of Commons after the development of this notable scheme, we are led to fear that Mr. Wodehouse,' (of whom we had hoped better things,) and Mr. H. Sumner, are incurables. Perhaps Sir E. Knatchbull, being receiver for the county, finds it well worth his while to be indifferent to county clamor. Some one very like him was overheard, last week, spouting to himself, as he passed across New Palace-yard,

populus me sibilat, at mihi plaudo

Ipse domi simulac nummos contemplor in Arcâ.

It is reported, that he has got leave from Lord Londonderry to speak up for retrenchment as often and as loudly as he chooses, provided he does not vote for it, except on a small scale, and when there is no risk of success incurred. Sir T. Acland is like an overgrown school-boy who knows he is in the wrong, but for the sake of appearances won't knock under. Mr. Gooch is just what he was last session ;-Mr. S. Wortley was as fulsome in complimenting Lord Londonderry as ever, and intends to oppose "any further repeal of taxes" than that of the additional Malt Duty. He also enlivened the House by denominating the late war which "protected the liberties of the people." If there is any one thing more disgusting than another, it is to hear such a man

one

'Mr. Wodehouse opposed Lord Althorp's motion which went to record that the House was not satisfied with the amount of retrenchment proposed by Ministers, though by way of throwing dust in the eyes of his constituents he had said on the 18th Feb. that Government had not gone sufficiently far' in their measures.

2 We do not believe the report-but Sir E. K.'s conduct is rather difficult to construe, and we think it but fair to let him know what things are said of him.

as Mr. S. Wortley talk of the liberties of the people. We shall expect next to hear Sir W. Curtis talk sentiment. It is only in the House of Commons that he would dare to insult the country with such mockery. But, alas, John Bull is so easily cheated, that we ought not to be surprised at any language addressed to him. He was made to believe, by the corrupt tools of a bigotted king, and the interested associations of the commercial branches, that to thwart the French in their struggle for freedom, was to save himself from slavery, that to let the French become relieved from tyranny, was to rivet his own chains. National jealousy was called in aid-nay, every bad passion was appealed to, and at last aroused to support Mr. Wilberforce's friend's religious war. Well, after our neighbours, in spite of our hostility, had triumphed over both foreign and domestic foes, they became again the instruments of a despot. Now, we were to fight them because Buonaparte was their autocrat; before, we had waged war on them because they would be their own governors. It mattered not-George III. hated liberty, and William Pitt loved his place; John Bull was credulous, and the result has been the restoration of the Bourbons, the battle of Waterloo,' and additional taxation in time of peace.

Mr. S. Wortley said not one word on the "extravagance of ministers," which Mr. Benett of Wilts had accused him of supporting. He merely gave notice of his objection to the repeal of more taxes. What is the advantage of peace, we ask Mr. Wortley, unless it be distinguished by the lightness of the burthens imposed on the people? But we are wasting words to argue with a man whose only principle is to keep his own party safe in power and place.

Mr. Gooch concluded his speech by saying, that he should vote against any reduction of the army, and congratulating the House on "what had fallen from the noble Marquis." He then "hoped to God," and quoted two lines of a prayer.

Mr. W. Burrell and Mr. Curteis, in spite of their speeches, have voted with ministers against Lord Althorp's motion. Mr. Davenport seems disposed to do his duty. We subjoin Mr. Davenport's

1

Why, we should like to ask, was our claim to be repaid the expense of maintaining the French prisoners given up? Why-except for the sake of paying the King of France a compliment at the expense of this country; to make his return to the nation that had abjured him originative at least of some advantage to his subjects? Had not the people of this country a prior right to be consulted, a people who had suffered from taxation in a degree never before experienced by any nation?-Why was 500,000l. paid for the provisioning of the Russian fleet in the Medway?-should we have paid for them had they remained in the Baltic ?-and why should the mere change of station, stipulated for, as a manifestation of the Emperor's sincerity, have converted us into their paymasters and victuallers?

speech on Monday, February 18, together with Mr. Curwen's and Mr. Ricardo's speeches on the same day. The latter gentleman's opinions on taxation, it will appear, have been very grossly misrepresented.

Mr. Davenport said, "that as many honorable members had delivered their opinions upon this important topic, he was anxious to state, that he felt considerable disappointment at the statement of the noble Marquis. When he heard of the florishing state of the finances, he was of opinion that more relief ought to have been granted by the reduction of taxation. He must also notice a mistake which the noble Marquis had fallen into in the course of that statement. He calculated that the farmer paid only five per cent. in taxes upon his out-goings, whereas in the county of Chester, which he (Mr. Davenport) had the honor to represent, in dairies it was as much as that upon one article alone, namely, salt. If there could be one tax more grievous and oppressive than another, it was that to which he had just alluded."

Mr. Curwen said, "that after what he had heard, he could not hope for much relief to the distress of the country from the labors of the present session. He was friendly to the appointment of the original Committee, but he had been exceedingly disappointed in its results. He believed that nothing more could be expected from its re-appointment. It was clear, that with a committee, the whole session would be passed without any definite measures being effected; and he would ask whether it ought to be left to chance for a bad harvest to throw open the ports, and cause the importation of as much foreign grain as was equal to eight months' consumption of the country? The noble Lord said, that the proportion of taxation to the produce of the land was five per cent. ; and, therefore, he gave them the relief of one half per cent. by repealing the additional Malt tax. Now, so far wrong was the noble Marquis in his calculation, he was convinced a saving of 20 per cent. would accrue to the farmer by the repeal of the Malt taxes, and of the taxes upon Barley, Salt, Leather, Soap, and Candles. With regard to the noble Lord's plan, as it applied to the Sinking Fund, he, Mr. Curwen, was as anxious as any one for retaining a Sinking Fund to a certain extent, but let them give all the surplus income of the country till the present moment to the relief of agriculture, and let the Sinking Fund be increased by the million of savings in the next year, and in the years which were to follow. He did believe that the plan for taking off the surplus corn from the markets when the averages were below 55 shillings, would be productive of great benefits. The corn so bought would be warehoused, and ready to come out when the markets should get above 60 shillings, and thereby keep them at a

steady price, which would prevent the importation of foreign grain, and put a check upon those injurious speculations which had been so largely carried on. The question of admitting foreign corn was a most important one, which affected the interests of all classes; and the noble Lord and his colleagues ought to be prepared to take it upon themselves without the support of a committee. He was astonished to hear the honorable member for Suffolk,' while he acknowledged that the distress of his constituents was increasing, express his satisfaction and thanks to the noble Lord for the statement which he had made. If that was the language to be used by county members, he did indeed despair. If they had acted firmly and properly, they would have forced ministers to make reductions. He was sure that relief afforded to the agricultural interest by the repeal of the taxes upon salt, leather, and soap, would cause a considerable increase in the revenue by the increased consumption which they would create. He was very glad to hear that the revenue was in so florishing a condition. He was utterly at a loss upon what principles to account for the increase; but he was told that it was so, and he was bound to believe it.'

Mr. Ricardo "agreed in the satisfaction expressed by an bpnorable member, at the statement of the noble Marquis, as far as the improvement of the revenue went; but he did not agree with him that the amount of the repeal of taxes was such as ought to satisfy the country. The honorable member appeared to him to have made one great mistake in his calculations. He said that the Sinking Fund being increased would lower the rate of interest, and that landlords would consequently derive advantages which they could disseminate among their tenants, and thus afford general relief to the agricultural classes. He agreed that the landlord would derive these advantages, if the Sinking Fund would have the effect which the honorable member expected from it, but it would have no such effect. He thought the Sinking Fund the greatest support of public credit: and if he could have any security for its application to the object for which it was designed, it would have no greater friend than himself. But after the experience they had had of all Sinking Funds, of Sir Robert Walpole's Sinking Fund, of Mr. Pitt's Sinking Fund; after they had seen the latter made away with by the right honorable the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he was convinced that a Sinking Fund could be nothing but a fatal delusion to the people. They were induced to pay to it in the hope of lessening their debt, when in point of fact, it invariably increased it; for when it had accumulated to a certain extent, the minister was sure to apply it to the payment of interests upon loans which went

'Mr. Gooch.