Lordship were an ignorance beyond barbarism. 'Till the womb of nature was made happy by your illustrious birth, the generation of men was but one long miscarriage; heroes and sages were mère abortions; poets and orators still-born; all men illegitimate; the very name of man scarcely to be guessed at, in its high import, until your Lordship's excellence furnished the definition."

A most characteristic figure, Mr. Richter has evidently had in his mind Shakspeare's description of "the poet's eye in a fine frenzy rolling," &c.

We hope that, after the regular exhibition of the year, next season, the Society will collect a fresh assemblage of select drawings of former times, and gratify the public with a sight of them.

THE great increase of talent and numbers in the professors of the Fine Arts in the United Kingdoms, since the foundation of the Royal Academy, when scarcely forty artists of sufficient ability to be members could be found, has been so rapid, and is so evident, as to demand either a revision of the academical laws, calculated for the increased demand, or a new society altogether.

This progression of intellect, as more particularly exemplified in the metropolis during the last twelve or fifteen years, is such as must surprise the dispassionate observer, and delight those who view the moral physiognomy of a country depicted in its arts.

The limited views of the Royal Academy, as far as concerns artists who are not members of their body, together with the improper season of exhibiting the works of living artists at the British Institution, had been often complained of by the great body of British artists, and pointed out to the public with abundant severity in the annals of the Fine Arts. These two great corporations of art are found in adequate to reward the great mass of talent that is now congregated in the metropolis of the three kingdoms. The artists felt the want of a more extensive and liberal mart, and the public have long felt the inconvenience of the over-crowded

HORACE.

walls of Somerset-House, which, like the changes in a home-made kaleidoscope, surprised the ignorant but "made the judicious grieve."

Urged by such feelings a few artists, who occasionally attended Mr. Elmes's lectures on architecture, at the Surrey and Russell Institutions, where he often made complaints of the inadequacy of the Academy similar to those which he had often done in his annals, and who sometimes met at his house to pass the evening afterwards, hinted at the probability of the success of a new Institution for the Fine Arts in general, while Mr. Elmes was preparing the plan for an Academy or Society for Architecture alone, of which he was appointed secretary.

Early in May of this year, Mr. Elmes called on his friend, Mr. Linton, one of the most promising young landscape painters of the day, and proposed an immediate meeting of a few; stating, that if only themselves attended, he would answer for the success of the undertaking; engaging to produce a plan and estimate for a suit of rooms, and a scheme for a Society. Mr. Linton

then called on a few of his friends; and on the 14th of May, 1823, a meeting was held at Mr. Elmes's office, consisting of Messrs. Finden, Glover, Hofland, Linton, Martin, Wilson, Matthew Wyatt, and himself. Mr. Glover was appointed to

the payment of the ground-rent and other charges on their building till paid off, and provided for the surplus when accomplished. They have also wisely drawn up no more laws than what suits their infant state, and leave its legislation to work its own future code as they increase in

stature.

The rooms of the Society consist of six galleries or exhibition rooms, with an entrance for the public from Suffolk-street, through a hall, and up a handsome flight of stairs into an elegant vestibule, which opens into a niche. This leads to the gal lery for paintings; a large octagonal room, sixty feet long, forty broad, and eighteen high; to the underside of the landing, and into the room for architectural elevations. These communicate with all the rest, and with each other in a complete cir cuit. All the rooms are of an octangular form, which is a novelty, and an excellence that does the architect great credit, as they thereby form more centres for attractive pic tures, and remove the objection of dark corners. The four exhibition rooms for water-colour drawings; miniatures, cabinet pictures, &c., architectural elevations and engravings, are each thirty feet by nine

teen, and fifteen feet high to the underside of the lanthorn. All the rooms have fire-places.

The rear of the building commucates with Suffolk-street, and has a loop-hole and crane for heavy sculptures, and a back staircase for porters, large pictures, &c.

The elevation next Suffolk-street, designed by Mr. Nash, as the Society only require the hall of entrance, will project as far as the areas of the other houses, and will present a handsome architectural elevation of the Italian doric order, on a surbasement, with a profile looking towards Cockspur-street, for an appropriate inscription.

One praise is particularly due to Mr. Elmes, as the architect; he has not obtruded columns or other architectural embellishments into the rooms, to the inevitable destruction of the effect as galleries when filled, but has sacrificed this piece of vain glory to the study of the best pos sible means of displaying all the works of art exhibited in them, in the very best possible light.

We conclude with Father Paul's wish concerning the republic of Venice, and say to this new Society, Esto Perpetua.

the country. It is 24 feet long and 16 broad, and is shown in a room constructed for the purpose at Paquis, half a league from Geneva.

M. Al. Laboureux, a young Roman sculptor, who obtained the last pension granted by Canova, has just finished the model in plaster of a group, the beauty and elegance of which, have astonished all the connoisseurs at Rome. It represents Paris and Helen at the moment of their embarkation.

Sir Thomas Lawrence, President of the Royal Academy, has purchased a very extensive collection of architectural casts, from the finest specimens now existing in Rome.

IEW

Examen critique des Considerations de Mad. de Staël, sur la Revolution Française. Critical Examination of Mad. de Staël's "Considerations on the French Revolution," with Observations upon her "Ten Years Exile" and upon Napoleon Buonaparte. By J. Ch. Bailleul. 2 vols., 8vo. Second Edit. Paris.

PUBLIC curiosity was strongly excited by the appearance of Mad. de Staël's work upon the French Revolution. The great genius of the author, her being an eye-witness of the events she relates, and more than once implicated in parties and opinions, her generous mind so capable of feeling enthusiasm for liberty, and even her family connections and private affections, promised profound views for the causes and progress of this great Revolution, valuable details, and a just and equitable appreciation of its tendency and consequences. The general expectation was not deceived; and, in spite of the imperfections occasioned by time, and the slight faults of prejudice of which it was so difficult to divest herself, Mad. de Staël has left behind her à monument worthy of her genius, and full of instruction for those who would study the future in the past. Yet, in a work like this, whatever may be the talent of the author, every thing cannot be received without contradiction. For, though a fact may be true, yet in the mind it derives a hue from personal sentiments; and, if the author describes it with his prejudices, we also read it with our own preconceived ideas, thence arise different opinions of the same work.

Eur. Mag. Aug. 1823.

But this disagreement must par ticularly shew itself on the subject of a revolution including so many interests and opinions, and exciting so many passions; and when principles are discussed, and facts and men judged, partiality becomes more blind, passion more active, and prejudice more obstinate.

A patriotic writer has undertaken the critical examination of Mad. de Staël's "Considerations;" he follows her step by step and disputes every chapter he thinks worthy of refutation. Perhaps it would be fortunate if, on every remarkable work of which the subject is open to contradiction, such an undertaking were executed with the like good faith: the opposition of contrary opinions must be profitable to those who search for truth. But distinguished talent and entire selfdenial are necessary to him who ties himself to the car of the victor, to count his wanderings, and enumerate his weaknesses; for if the critic in this little war of details has often the advantage, yet it is difficult for him to produce at last a complete, well-written book.

M. Bailleul is as entirely convinced as we are of Mad. de Staël's good faith. They both seek for truth; but facts do not appear to them with the same aspect, and their reasonings do not flow from the same principles. Sensible of those different opinions we have no other interest than the instruction to be derived from them. We are happy when we find them agreeing with each other; united in their love for liberty, their opposition is only in the means of establishing or defending it. Not being able to follow the

U.

critic in all the details of his examination, we will endeavour to sieze the most important points of the discussion, and compare the essential opinions which, divide the two adversaries.

Both of them in recalling to remembrance the abuses, the privileges, and power which characterised the old régime, the wits who enlightened the eighteenth century, and the spirit of enquiry grown so bold in them, agree in thinking that such a state of things could not subsist long, and that a crisis was inevitable. But could not these necessary changes, instead of being the work of a violent revolution, have been brought about by a just, salutary, and gradual reform? Mad. de Staël thinks at first that the provincial assemblies, began by M. Turgot and renewed by M. Necker, formed a natural transition to representative government. Then, led by her admiration for England, she saw no help for France but in adopting the English constitution, of which, it must be confessed, she never seemed to have acknowledged the faults. The greatest fault she finds with the Constituent Assembly is, not having admitted a second hereditary chamber, the authority of which would have set bounds to the encroachments of one assembly on the royal authority. Without entering into the question, which of these two forms of representative government is the best, all that must be considered here is, whether the establishment of a second chamber was then possible. M. Bailleul's reflections on this subject seem to be judicious.

Why," says he, "was the adop tion of the English Constitution rashly proposed? A constitution can but be transplanted like a tree; and a constitution does not consist alone in the establishment of an upper and lower house; that is but a form which would be quite immaterial without many other establishments which support it, and á general spirit which animates it.

"What then is a constitution? Is it sufficient to give a certain number of people the name of parliament, to divide them into two houses, one of which should be called the upper chamber and the other the lower?

Should the quality of the persons the spirit they are animated with, their prejudices and partialities, be considered as indifferent to constitutional order? or the different bodies of the state, their organization and attributes, and the state of the legislation, and particularly what concerns the safety of persons and property, the division of territory, and the mode of administration in all parts of the nation? Or, rather, are not all these objects of detail part of the constitution, of which the deliberating parliament and executive authority are but the exterior?

According to this observation, what analogy was there in 1789 between our moral situation and our political organization, with those of England at any part of its history?

M. de la Luzerne, proposed the formation of two houses, by uniting the higher clergy with the nobility, and the lower clergy with the commons. Here begin the inconceivable difficulties which accompany this situation.

The nobility would not admit the division of the States-General into two houses, which in fact can but be reconciled with the spirit that animates this class. If the nobility, as M. de la Luzerne had proposed, were formed into a sort of House of Peers, they would have opposed every reform likely to injure their interests or pretensions; they would have been obliged to take a decisive part, which would have been a great reason against the division of the legislative body into two chambers.

"How, indeed, could this second chamber have been formed? Should it have been composed of deputies of the nobility, the majority of which has always been so inimical to the new order of things, so eager to defend its own privileges, and so obstinate in opposing the reform of abuses? Or ought there to have been chosen men of tried opinion, taken from every rank of society, giving them such remuneration as would put their fortune on a level with their title? But thirty years of revolution had rendered this ap parently impossible. These mild and gradual transitions were then impracticable; but why? Because the desire of conquering and the