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were drawn to a country where the countless. P. A. Doni left & list art was better appreciated, and where of them in his work upon music, the number of towns and chapels and in his “ Bibliotheca," but they attracted and required a propor- only belong to the beginning of the tionate number of professors and 16th century. F. Patrizi mentions practitioners.
some of those who flourished at the What would have been over aban- latter part of the same century. We dant in the low countries, or any will enumerate a few of the most other state, could not be so in Italy, celebrated. where chapels and schools were Franchino Gaffario, contemporary maintained in most towns, as Milan, with, but not a papil of Tinctoris, Venice, Florence, Rome, Naples, studied music at Lodi, his native Palermo, Ferrara, Urbino, Man- country, and at Mantua; and though tua, &c.
he went to Naples he learnt nothing At the beginning of the 14th cen there; he maintained in argument tury Count Castiglione assures us, his own theories, and published in that music made an essential part of 1480 his first treatise upon the education of every courtier. The (Theoricum opus harmonicæ disciladies, whose talents were most con- plina). From this period to the spicuous in this century, attended end of the 16th century the number particularly to the cultivation of of didactic treatises of this kind is vocal and instrumental music. Gas- extraordinary. Zarlino, the first para Stampa, Elisabetta Gonzaga, restorer of music after Guido d'ArezTullia d'Aragona, Maria Cardona, zo, eclipsed all his predecessors. Tarquinia Molza, &c. worthy of But how many works were publishimitation for their mind and talents, ed after his example? It seemed as were admired as much for their if the most distinguished men emknowledge of music as of literature: ployed themselves entirely in bring.
But music was more than an ob- ing music to perfection. As Orazio ject of amusement amongst the no- Tigrini, Lodovico Zocconi, Aleanbles. Leo X. to whom Poliziano dro, Maurolico, Vincent Galilei, fahad communicated his taste for the ther of the great Galileo, F. Patrizi, art, made it a study; he often em G. Mei, Artusi, Botrigari, and many ployed himself with his favourite others whose names are honourably lute on the most difficult theories of mentioned in the literary History of harmony. We may easily imagine Italy. Some time before Gaffurio, what influence the particular taste about the middle of the 15th cenof this sovereign pontiff must exer tury, the art of music flourished cise over the artists and learned men amongst the English, French, Spaof his time.
nish, and particularly amongst the Leonardo da Vinci was so expert Flemings; but why are not their in vocal and instrumental music, works published when so many Itathat it is said, Louis Sforza en lian works of that period are retreated him to come to Milan, and nted? There are but two or exercise his talent there. It is cer. three copies of the Dictionary of tain that he astonished all the Music, by Tinctoris, which is consi. courtiers and musicians, and even dered as the first work of the kind the foreign singers, entertained at ever printed, and if it was not comthe Court of Milan. It is also well posed, as M. Perne says, before the known that this famous artist and year 1478, it was only a year before mathematician gave new and better Gaffario's work, printed at Naples combined forms to luis lyre, violin, in 1480. There still exists a crown and organ. Vinci was afterwards or collection of masses and anthems imitated by Parmegiano, Collini, by old composers of foreign music, Tintonetto, and one of the Caracci, published at the beginning of the all clever artists and musicians. 16th century. But may not these Many other learned men and poets pieces, allowing their authors the may be enumerated, who cultivated praises they deserve, give rise to music with the same passion. the supposition that though their
But those who made music their authors concurred with the Italians particular profession are almost in propagating this study, they also
contributed to corrupt the art by of which made the heavy and diselaborate counterpoint, which ren- agreeable style still more monotodered it rather an object of labour The Anfiparnaso, by Oragio than of pleasure ? Did they not in- Vecchi, a poet and musician, repretroduce into music what the Greeks sented at Venice before 1597, has from Constantinople at the same been regarded by Muratori and time introduced into philosophy,?
others as the first modern opera ; It appears that the Flemish School but there is not that regular declaremained stationary at this point, mation, and that rapid and expressive while the Italian School took the singing, which constitute the chacharacter of its climate, and deve racter of the modern Mellopeia. This loped itself more and more till the discovery may be dated from the end of the 16th century. Almost same period, but the honour of it is all the musical and didactic sitions of this time bear the cha
due to more composers than we have compo
mentioned. racter of that spirit of invention
Grecian tragedy was entirely sung which searches into, reforms, and throughout. "Orall the learned men creates. This spirit may be found of the 14th century, Francesco Pain the discoveries, or in the essays, of trizi demonstrated this truth in the Vinci, Nicola Vicentino, Palestrina, best manner, and determined the Zarlino, Galilei, &c; and it caused character of the ancient Mellopeia the development of the Mellopeia. of the Greeks. V. Galilei and G. After the farces, mysteries, and Mei, with Count Bardi and Jacopo feasts, relebrated in this country Corsi
, both poets and musicians, and every where else, music was wrote essays on this dramatic meintroduced towards the end of the lody. The young poet Rinuccini, 15th century in all kinds of thea- the secret lover of Mary of Medici, trical representation. It seems that composed the Daphne ; Caccini and some parts of the Orpheus of Poli- Peri made the music to it, and this ziano, the first Italian pastoral pastoral was represented at Florence performed before 1483, was sung.
in 1594. The success of this first In the Errore Femineo, a ragic essay soon brought out a second ; piece by Notturno, a Neapolitan poet, and the fable of Euridice and Orthere are some anacreontic strophes pheus was performed in 1600 with. certainly designed for singing. Dur. much eclat. These may be said to ing the 16th century music was often constitute the new style of singing, employed in tragedies, comedies, called representative or recitative, and pastorals, and even in prose, and also some traces may be pere but only in interludes, chorusses, or ceived of the airs and duos before. in a certain part of any particular observed in Ariano, a lyric drama scene. The music composed for the composed by Rinuccini, set to music Sacrificio, by Beccari, for the Egle, after the same principles by Claudio by Giraldi, and several other tra. Monteverde, and represented at gedies, for the Aminta, Pastor Fido, Mantua in 1608. &c., was never continued through We have only mentioned the prinout the whole piece, but only at cipal objects in M. Orloff's work. certain parts as we before mentioned. The details, which the amateurs
But what was the first piece en of the musical art will read with tirely sung throughout? Though pleasure and interest, will be found this honour was given to the Or more at length in the book. We are pheus of Zarlino, and it has been obliged to Count Orloff for the care proved that the two pastorals set to he has taken to interest us in the music by Emilio del Cavaliere were history of the Fine Arts in Italy. entirely sung in 1590, it still remains to be determined what was Friedrich von Schillers Leben. the character of the music. Now Life of Frederick de Schiller. By it is incontrovertible that it was Henry Daring. 8vo. Weimar. not only the music called madrigal and which, appropriated to such M. DERING calls the hero of his pieces, gave it the form of a con- biography M. de Schiller, as if this tinued series of inadrigals, the length celebrated poet had need of the par-,
ticle before his name to be illústria relaxed as it is possible to be. What ous. No one cares for his nobility; he exacts from the poet are what genius alone made him illustrious. must necessarily be done, and are The editor might then have dis conditions inherent in the nature of pensed with the ceremony of treat- things. The rules of the Greek ago ing him as a mere noble. Besides thor relate almost exclusively to trathe sources common to all the other gedy, for which he had a greater biographers of Schiller, M. Dæring predilection than for any other kind has taken advantage of the corres of poetry. It is evident that he pondence between Schiller and M. speaks from experience, and had de Dalberg, published in 1819, which been witness of a great many tragic contains some interesting details up- représentations. There is nothing on the life, labours, and opinions of speculative in his book and not a trace this tragic poet. The editor has in. of theory; all is the result of experiserted many anecdotes, some of ence; but the number of examples he which have been disputed by the cites, and the happy choice of models
, German journals. The part of the he bas in view, give to his experibiography devoted to an analysis of mental observations the form of the poetical works of Schiller is very feeble. This poet is supposed, With respect to the unfinished by the French, to have wished to romance of the Visionary," reoverturn Aristotle's rules of poetry. cently translated into French, and Schiller thus expresses himself on announced in the Parisian journals this subject in these letters: "I read as something quite new, though it some time ago Aristotle's poetry; was translated twenty years ago, instead of discouraging and con M. Dæring thinks that the mysteristraining, it has strengthened me. ous adventures of Cagliostro inTo judge by the restraint which the spired Schiller with the design of this French attributed to him, I expected romance; but M. Dæring does not to find him'a cold, strict, anti-liberał explain satisfactorily the reason why legislator, and was astonished to Schiller stopped at the very moment find him quite the contrary. He de- when the curiosity of the reader was cidedly insists upon the essence of most excited, and never finished his tragedy; but as to the form, it is as romance,
Memoirs of the History of France, fess that we have never considered
during ihe reign of Napoleon, dic. it of any great weight; for the arocze tated by the Emperor, at St. He- tions of the Emperor Napoleon were · lena, to General Gourgaud, his so much more varied and numerous Aid-de-Camp. Octavo. pp. 404. than those of Cæsar, that whatever London, 1823.
might have been either bis talents
or his inclinations for literary or In the comparisons, which have scientific pursuits, it was obvious been so frequently drawn be.' that, during his political career, it tween 'the Emperor Napoleon and was absolutely impossible for him the two great heroes of antiquity, to abstract his mind in any degree Alexander and Cæsar, it has often from the civil and military functions been observed, that however the of his station. Had he, howepet, modern phenomenon may surpass never possessed those opportunities the ancient rivals of his fame, with which his imprisonment at St. Herespect to military genius and to lena afforded him for study and rethe capacity for governing mankind, flection, his Code of Laws would he had not, like Cæsar, evinced his have evinced, to the latest records of possession of any high degree of in- time, that his mind possessed the tellectual powers at literary compo- powers of tracing intricate subjects sition. For our part, although this through their remotest ramifications, observation has been made by men' with the comprehensive faculty of of profound sagacity, we must con- generalising his ideas and combin
ing the most namerous and compli- timate acquaintance with preceding cated details with the most exten. works; it is the offspring of a mind sive results.
intuitively conscious of its vast powCæsar, after he had achieved the ers, and therefore never even thinkconqnest of Gaul, found his task at ing of rules of art, or of the roads an end; and, except the vigilance by which others live attained to necessary to protect the frontiers of literary eminence, but depending his conquest from the incursions of solely upon its own strong concepe the Causi, the Catti, and of other tions and vast resources. neighbouring tribes, and which, in This work bears all the features deed, was the 'duty rather of his of Napoleon's genius ; a sort of lieutenants than of himself, he was, characteristic association with his if we may be allowed the parvis conduct. There is a continued and componere magna, rather like a com ardent pressing on to some great mander in country quarters than a result; a powerful compression of general in the anxieties of a cam facts; a contempt of epithets, and paign.. His leisure was therefore of every thing trivial or indifferent spent in the elegant.occupation of but a judicious enumeration of all letters; but far different was it with that leads to an ultimate result;Napoleon. From his leaving the style of this sort is the very soul of Academy of Paris to his final surren business. der at Bourdeaux he was incessant General Gourgaud, in what he ly engaged in the most numerous, calls an advertisement, describes the diversified, and important actions manner in which the Emperor die that ever occupied the human atten- tated this and other similar works. tion. Any subsequent attempts at Too ardent and rapid in his concepcomposition that he might make dur- tions to endure the tardy mechanism ing the leisure of his confinement of writing his thoughts, he dictated would, tberefore, derive their com- to others like lightening, expecting plexion solely from the natural them to transcribe his words with powers of his intellect; for as to any equal rapidity. He always correctstudy of the literary art, or of the ed these transcripts, and, if they were higher models of literary eminence, not to his liking, would sketch the it was precluded by the very circum- page a-new, by filling up the marstances of his intermediate career. gins. These MSS. are now in ex
A mind, however, like his, the istence, and put at rest any doubts essence of which seemed to be the as to the works which, like the preheight of vigorous exertion, could sent, pretend to be from his dicta. never sink into lethargy or inaction; tion. The public have long been and it was therefore anticipated imposed upon by the numerous anos that when he arrived at St. Helena nymous publications that have prehe would devote his energies to tended to divulge important facts composing the history of his own relating to the Einperor, such works life, or of some of those great events as the present will at least destroy with which he had been so intimate all such impositions, and will throw ly connected. That anticipation has that light upon the momentous now been realised, and the world transactions of the late eventful have before them what may be con wars and revolutions, from which sidered the literary works of this history must derive its complexion. . surprising character, and the first This first volume with which Geproduction of which we are now neral Gourgaud has favoured the about to analyse.
public is almost exclusively on miThis volume, as its title page an litary subjects, and although such nounces, is the dictation of the Em. technical matters may be, if not peror, and it bears a most decided above, at least without, the pale of stamp or character of a peculiar ge our literary acquirements and funcnius. It evidently the emanation tions, yet, imitating the philosopher of intellect, formed upon no study of old, we may avow such parts as of models, nor deriving its com we do understand to be so excellent, plexion or features from any facti. as to justify the inference, that tious associations, or from any in- equally excellent are the parts which
are beyond the sphere of our age ruinous disorder prevalent at head quaintance.
quarters. Points of attack absurdly The first fifty pages give us a chosen, positions badly taken up, clear idea of the celebrated siege of and batteries erected without sciToulon, the account of which deve- ence, and often further from the oblopes the nature of Napoleon's ta- jects of attack than the range of lents, and presents us with a pretty cannon shot; and yet with such accurate picture of the revolutionary officers, and with such misrule, management of that period. We France had withstood the attacks have a very intelligible statement of of all Europe ; an irrefutable proof the situations and objects of the of what has so often been asserted, French, and their opposing armies in that the continental governments of Piedmont and in the neighbourhood that period were rendered impotent of Toulon, as well as a rapid sketch by corruption and abuses. Napoleon, of the face of the country, and of saw the inutility or almost hopelessthe fortresses on the south-eastern ness of retaking Toulon by a regucoast of France. We have also the lar siege laid against its defences. characters of several of the com He therefore proposed to drive the manders-in-chief appointed to com- English from a peninsular, -emi. inand on this Italian frontier by the nence, which, from its strength, they revolutionary government of '1792 had called Little Gibralter, and and 1793; and, considering the gross which was at so considerable a disignorance of those who had assumed tance from Toulon that his prothe helm of state, considering the posal was laughed to scorn. But absurdity of their plans, the incon- Napoleon calculated that this posisistencies of their military appoint- tion would command the whole anments, and the endless fluctuations, chorage, and that if the whole mass, of their measures, it is little less of French ordnance could be brought than miraculous that the genius of to play upon the fleet, the English, Buonaparte could have saved his whose objects were principally naval, country from the overwhelming would abandon the town to its fate, force of foreign armies, and from The French officers, impervious to the internal conflicts of opposing these shrewed calculations, would factions.
not listen to the proposal until after In September 1793, the royalist a month's discussion, and when the party delivered up Toulon to the English had so entrenched themEnglish, and the harbour and town selved, that the capture of this pewere immediately occupied by our ninsula became a matter of great fleet under command of Lord Hood, difficulty. At last Napoleon's plans and by a combined force of English, were adopted, but in total ignorance Spaniards, Sardineans, Neapolitans, of their ultimate object; for the &c. under General O'Hara. This Little Gibraltar was to be taken, great French naval depôt then con- only as a preliminary to a regular tained thirty-one ships of the line, advance to the out-works of the numerous other vessels, an immense town; and it was in vain that Napoquantity of cannon, ammunition and leon assured them that the occupastores, with the most extensive docks tion of this point would prevent the and buildings of every description necessity of any further siege whatrequisite to the first naval establish ever. Two days, said he, after we ment of a great nation like France. gain this point, Toulon will surrenGeneral Cartaux was marched to re der at discretion. At length a siege cover this important cession, and, was commenced against this Little beating the English on the 10th of Gibraltar ; but the government of September, at the passes to the west Paris, no more than the General-inof Toulon, his army took up a posi: Chief, could conceive the utility of tion on the west of the town. It attacking a point so very distant was about fifteen days after this from the town; and in such despair that Napoleon, a chief of a battalion of success were the commanders of of artillery, was sent to command the army that they wrote to Paris, the besieging engineers. He found strongly advising that the siege the grossest ignorance and the most should be raised, and the army