ledged by all Europe; England recognized it in 1796, by empowering Lord Malmesbury to treat with the directory, this plenipotentiary had successively attended at Paris and at Lisle, he had negociated with Charles Lacroix, Letourneur, and Marel, &c." The facts are certainly conclusive on the subject. But says Napoleon, in page 65, "In Janua"ry and February 1800, France so"licited peace; Lord Grenville replied only by a torrent of invec"tive, he desired that the Princes "of that race of Kings should re"ascend the throne of France; and now (a few months after) Lord "Grenville was soliciting as a fa66 vour to be admitted to treat with "the Republic." This alludes to the period when M. Otto was in London, into whose negociation the present volume briefly enters.

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The Emperor then proceeds to shew that Moreau's campaign on the Rhine, in 1796, was replete with procrastination and military errors; in his campaign in Italy in 1799, he gives Moreau great credit for bravery and talent as the commander of a division under Scherer, but shews that when he was raised to the chief command by the recall of Scherer, his errors ensured the suc cess of General Suwarrow, the ruin of the French forces under Serrurier and Macdonald, and the loss of all Italy to France. The Emperor appears to us to conclude his observations by a very able summary of Moreau's character, he says, "Mo"reau had no system, either in po"litics or war; he was an excellent "soldier, personally brave, and ca

pable of manoeuvring a small 66 army on the field of battle effec

tually, but absolutely ignorant of "the higher branches of tactics. "Had he engaged in any intrigues "to bring about an 18 Brumaire, "he would have miscarried, he "would only have effected the ruin "of himself and his adherents." To this we may add, that Moreau's appearing as the commander of a foreign force, against his country, must for ever ruin his fame in history. Our Admiral Blake abjured the government of Cromwell; but fought for England, observing, that "it is our duty to fight for our Eur. Mag. July, 1823.

country, into whose ever hands the government may fall."

We have afterwards some observations upon Moreau's German campaign of 1800, the substance of which has appeared in the work of General Gourgaud.

We refer our readers to page 67, for some valuable and interesting remarks relative to Egypt.

Kleber was the protegé of Napoleon, and esteemed by him only inferior to Dessaix. He was assassi nated by a fanatic for having order ed a priest to be bastinadoed, and the army fell to the command of Menou, by whose excess of bad management alone Sir Ralph Abercrombie was enabled to dispossess the French of Egypt. With all our zeal for the success of our arms, we can not but regret the issue of this contest, as it deprived the French of the means of establishing a European system of moral and social government in Egypt, from which its benefits might have radiated throughout all Asia and Africa, reclaiming to justice, to social regularity, and to science, those countless hoards of semi-barbarians that now commit every excess of cruelty and violence upon each other, rendering the finest portion of the earth worse than a desert. How contemptible is the politician; to the philosopher! How contemptible is the patriot to the philanthropist! The Emperor proves that "the army of Egypt might have

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perpetuated itself in that country, "without receiving any assistance "from France; provisions, clothing, all that is necessary to an enemy, abounded in Egypt; there were military stores and amuni"tion enough for several cam "paigns; besides, Champy and "Conté had established powder "mills, the army had sufficient "officers, &c. to organize a force "of 80,000 men, it could obtain as many recruits as might be desired, especially amongst the young Copts and Greeks, Syrians, and Negroes of Daifur and Sennaar; many recruits (Copts) had receiv "ed the decoration of the legion of "honour." The Emperor then proceeds to shew, that with ordinary good management, neither England,

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Turkey, nor Russia, could have dispossessed the French of the country; and that the French vessels traversed the Mediterranean almost with impunity, conveying necessary supplies to Egypt; he says, "the ex"pedition to Egypt was completely "successful. Napoleon landed at "Alexandria on July 1, 1798; on "Aug. 1, he was master of Cairo "and of all Lower Egypt; on Jan. 1, 1799, he had conquered the "whole of Egypt; on July 1, 1799, "he had destroyed the Turkish

army of Syria, and taken its train "of 42 field-pieces, and 150 ammu"nition waggons; in the month of August, he destroyed the select troops of the army of the Port, "and at Aboukir took its train of "32 pieces." The Veni vidi vici

of Cæsar was tardiness itself compared to this. But Napoleon left his conquests in the hands of those who were but little able to preserve them. Kleber had a sort of Nostalgia, or as the French called it, le malalie du pays, and, so ardent was his desire to return to France, that he signed the convention of ElArisch with the Grand Vizier, but Colonel Latour Maubourg arriving on March 1, 1800, before Cairo had been surrendered, defeated the Grand Vizier, and reconquered Egypt. "In March 1801," says Napoleon, "the English landed an army of 18,000 men, without horses for "the artillery or cavalry, this army "must have been destroyed; but

Kleber had been assassinated. "and, by an overwhelming fatality, "this brave army had been consign"ed to the command of a man, who,

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although competent enough for "many other purposes, was detesta"ble as a military commander." In six months the French, to the number of 24,000 men, were landed on the coast of Provence by their victors; and, we may add, to devastate Europe, instead of being left to civilize Africa and Asia. The Emperor tells us, that "the "army of Egypt, on its arrival in "Malta, in 1798, was 32,000 strong, "it received there a reinforment of "2,000 men, but left a garrison of "4,000, and arrived at Alexandria "30,000 strong. It received 3,000 "men from the wreck of the squad

"ron of Aboukir, which increased "it to 33,000 men, 24,000 returned "to France, 1,000 had previously "gone home wounded or blind, but

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a like number had arrived in La "Justice, &c. The loss was there"fore 9,000 men, of whom 4,000 "died in 1798 and 1799, and 5,000 "in 1800 and 1801, in the hospitals "and in the field of battle." Napoleon makes the total English force to amount to 34,000 men, with 25,000 Turks; but adds, that “as "they came into action only at in"tervals of several months, victory "must have infallibly declared for "the French, if Dessaix or Kleber "had been at the head of the army, "or indeed, any general but Me"nou."

It is curious to compare the astonishing rapidity of Napoleon's conquest of Egypt, with the spiritless and imbecile manners of Saint Louis in similar circumstances. St. Louis landed at Damietta on June 6, 1250, and entered the town on the same day, where he loitered until 6th of December; on that day he began his march up the right bank of the Nile, and arrived on 17th opposite Mausourah, where he loitered away two months more. On Feb. 1251, he passed the Nile and fought a battle, and was eventually defeated, and became an object of contempt and ridicule, although he was canonized by the Pope. ized by the Pope. Napoleon ob

serves, that "if St. Louis, on the "8 June 1250, had mancurved "as the French mancurved in 1798,

"he would have arrived at

"Mausourah on June 12, at "Cairo on June 26, and he would "have conquered Lower Egypt "within a month after his arrival." Following this account, we have a very admirable reply or refutation by Napoleon to a letter, which Kleber wrote to the Directory to induce them to abandon the plan of colonizing Egypt. Considering how actively the guillotine was plied at that period, we are still astonished that any commanding officer should have ventured to send home a dispatch and returns so replete with falsehoods and absurdities. However, Kleber was not doomed to gratify his longing for his native land; he fell by the hand of a vul

gar assassin, whose blow thus, in all human probability, altered the fate of mankind throughout Asia and Africa for ages. The contemptible description of the Turkish military may be gathered from the fact, that in one battle the French lost 100 men, whilst the Grand Vizier lost 15,000.

Succeeding to this interesting chapter upon Egypt, we have 75 pages upon the concordat of 1801, the abduction of the Pope, upon state prisons, and upon several other subjects, all of which is so highly important that we regret that the limits of our magazine will not allow us to enter upon the topics at any length. Respecting the indivisibility of the church Napoleon tells us, that the Pope had "consented to the suppression of "sixty diocessis which were almost

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as old as Christianity, and consummated the sale of the property "of the clergy to the amount of 400 millions, (francs) without any indemnity." In short, it appears that a vast number of the principles of the Pope and of the Vatican were any thing and every thing as interest suited. We must do Napoleon the justice to say, that his treatment of the captive Pope was munificent and generous in the extreme, and forms a bright reverse of the treatment himself experienced when in the power of his enemies. In these pages the Emperor satisfactorily relieves himself from much of the obloquy that has been cast upon him for his conduct throughout his disputes with the successor of St. Peter; and we have but to read pages 191 and 192, to see how equitable and merciful were his regulations upon imprisonment, when compared to those of the legitimate governments.

The next chapter is upon the Revolution of Saint Domingo, and of the expedition of the French to that island after the peace of Amiens. We are here told that the General of division, Toussaint Louverture, had treated the French republican authorities with great disrespect, and had intrigued with the English. In consequence of this, Toussaint was "abridged of half his train ;" he was confined to the command of the blacks in the northern division of the island, whilst the southern

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division, consisting of men of colour, was confided to General Rigaud, the most ferocious hatred existing between the two classes of people. "A horrible civil war soon "broke out between these two par"ties; the Directory seemed to look on this contest with pleasure, 'thinking the rights of the mother country secured by its duration. "This war was raging at its utmost "height in the beginning of 1800." So much for humanity. But we are told, that "the first question "which Napoleon had to consider, on coming to the head of affairs, 66 was, whether it would be for the "interest of the mother country to foment and encourage this civil

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war, or to put an end to it." Napoleon certainly decides upon the latter alternative; but whether this decision was in deference to humanity, he himself answers, for he tells us, that he decided to put an end to their civil war, because a fallacious policy, calculated to keep up intestine war, was unworthy of the greatness and generosity of the nation; and that, if this civil war continued, the inhabitants would lose all industrious babits, and the colony be deprived of what little remained of its ancient prosperity. So completely is man a mere tool in the views of your politicians. Again, we are told, that "the triumph of "the blacks would have been signa"lized by a total massacre and de"struction of the men of colour:" what follows? any shrinking of the heart at the thoughts of such a scene?-no-the sequitar is, "an

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irreparable loss (of sugar and "taxes) to the mother country." Napoleon, however, disarmed the mulattoes, and appointed Toussaint commander in chief of Saint Domingo, who acknowledged the supremacy of the mother country, and "made his monthly report to the ministers of Marine;" but happy are we to say, that he did much more than "make his monthly report to the ministers of Marine,' for he tranquillized the island, and in 1800 and 1801, commerce and industry resumed their reign.

But it was evident that Toussaint intended to throw off the yoke of France on the first favourable opportunity; and Napoleon, there

fore, debated, whether he should allow Toussaint his supreme command of the island, upon the black farmers paying a rent to the former creole proprietors, and upon the island trading exclusively with France; or whether he should reconquer the island and restore the old frightful system of creole proprietorship of land slaves. The first project had been adopted, when news arrived that Toussaint had himself declared a constitution for the island, without condescending even to consult the mother country. From this moment Napoleon resolved to conquer St. Domingo. Now, we must be allowed to observe, that in these proceedings Toussaint had acted only upon those principles of free action, by which the French themselves had been governed in their revolutionary struggle; and we are at a loss to conceive, upon what principle the conduct of Toussaint could "create a sentiment of disgust in Napoleon," who had in Europe broken all the trammels of ancient proprietorship similar to those of the mother country, which Toussaint was now so justifiably resisting. Napoleon tells us, that "Toussaint had resolved to perish or to obtain an independence." Surely such a resolve ought to have inspired the first Consul of a republic with any sentiment than that of disgust. However the expedition against St. Domingo sailed under Le Clerc, whom the Emperor describes to have been "an officer of the first merit, equally skilful in the labours of the cabinet and in the maneuvers of the field of battle;" and it is known that, in less than three months, he subdued every opposition of the blacks, except the unconquerable spirit to be free, and the consequent determination to rise on their oppressors on the first opportunity. He disarmed the blacks, except 6,000 men commanded by equal numbers of black, white, and mulatto officers; and he endeavoured to conciliate the negroes by abolishing slavery and establishing equitable laws relative to labour. But Le Clerc violated Napoleon's principal instructions; he conceived an antipathy against the mulattos, he put his whole trust in the black officers, and although he had spirit

enough to arrest, and to transport to France, Toussaint, whom he had detected in forming plans of insurrection. At length the yellow fever swept off Le Clerc and the greater part of his forces, and the black chiefs, taking advantage of the authority he had left in their hands, succeeded in overcoming the feeble remnant of his army. And very fortunate to humanity has been this result, for, instead of the island being under the wretched system of creole government designed for it, the blacks have by their better adaptation to the climate been able to make im provements, which far outstrip any thing that we have effected in the neighbouring colonies.

The next chapter relates to the election of Bernadotte to the throne

of Sweden. It appears that this honour was destined for the Viceroy, but he refused to change his religion, and the choice fell upon Bernadotte. The public opinion, that Bernadotte's elevation had been contrary to the wishes of the Emperor, appears to be completely erroneous, for the Emperor states that his election was negociated with Count de Wrede, the Swedish Ambassador, and that he (Napoleon) bestowed a sum of money upon Bernadotte to enable him to make his debut in Sweden_with_eclût. Napoleon's opinion of Bernadotte's military talents is very humble, and it appears that he had often overlooked his indiscretions on account of his wife, who had been an object of the Emperor's early admiration.

The work concludes with the Emperor's observations upon the whole materiel and composition of an army, upon artillery, orders of battle, offensive and defensive war, and upon many of his greatest battles, with a comparison of his march over the Alps in 1800 with that of Hannibal in 218 A. C. Napoleon, amongst other faults which he finds with our military system, justly reprobates our recruiting solely for money, the cruelty of our discipline, and the sale of officers' commissions. We conceive his observations upon military details ought to be read by every professional person. He disapproves of the use of defensive armour, and gives reasons for preferring the bivouac to tents: of the

Cossacks he says, every thing about these troops are despicable, except the cossack himself, who is a man of fine person, powerful, adroit, subtle, a good horseman, and indefatigable;" of the mamlukes he says, "two Mamalukes kept "three Frenchmen at bay, but 100 "French did not fear 100 Mamalukes, "300 were more than a match for "an equal number, and 1,000 would "beat 1,500, so powerful is the in"fluence of tactics, order and evo"lutions." He tells us that "the "howitzer is a very useful piece for "setting a village on fire;" the villagers, we imagine, would have a very different idea of utility in such a case. Napoleon attributes the loss of the battles of Trebbia and Cannæ to the Romans having had three lines of battle, and to Hannibal having had but one. Modern Generals, it appears, have much more arduous duties to perform than those of Greece and Rome had, and their fields of battle are more extensive, and their evolutions more complex, than those of the ancients.

of the fair traveller, or that he might be able to follow the same track, and to see the same objects through the same medium, and to experience the same gladsome sensations.

We must confess that we have derived great satisfaction from the perusal of this volume; and, if it contains less of conversational discussion upon general subjects of curiosity than the other volumes from St. Helena, it makes ample amends by its more important matter upon subjects of history and science.

These observations have been elicited from us by a perusal of Mrs. Colston's two volumes of travels, in which we have an immense variety of descriptions of all the important and interesting objects in the exten sive line of her journey, so that the work is not only amusing, but it is of a nature to be highly useful to those, who, for pleasure or for busi ness, may be destined to travel the same road. It is the practice, we believe, of most travellers, to make notes of whatever they may see on their travels; and after their return to compose their volumes from such data, assisted, perhaps, by the works of preceding travellers, and by other books of research. Hence most travels fail to interest the feelings; they bear the impress of facts, but except on great occasions, such, for instance, as the sight of the Alps, or the entrance into a great city, the relation of such facts are unac companied by any kindred sensa tions, and the volumes, therefore, fail to interest, and have an effect very little superior to that which we might experience on the perusal of an enlarged and copious gazet. teer. It appears, however, that Mrs. Colston has written her various descriptions on the spot, and whilst the sensations which the objects excited were vivid in her mind, and hence her volumes acquire an interest, a sort of individuality which carries the reader through them with increased satisfaction, and impresses their contents on his mind with much accuracy and permanency.

Journal of a Tour in France, Switzerland, and Italy, during the years 1819, 1820, and 1821, illustrated by fifty Lithographic Prints. By Marianne Colston, 2 vols. 8vo. pp. 736. London, 1823.

Unless travels are devoted to points of history, to statistical inquiries, or to science or art, we would much rather that they should be written by ladies than by gentlemen. The fairer sex have a lighter buoyancy of spirits, they see every thing through a gayer medium, and their pencil sketches what they see with such a felicitous lightness, that the reader fancies the scene to be present; and, when he awakes to reality, it is only to wish that he had been the compagnon de voyagé

Mrs. Colston left England at the worst season of the year for travelling, but at the very best for escaping the rudeness of our English character, and for exchanging the endless fog, the rain and snow of our latitude, for the mild temperature and blue 'skies of Southern climes. She left Southampton on the 2nd of November, 1819, and travelled to Paris via Havre de Grace and Rouen. From Paris she proceeds, through Fontainbleau, to Dijon, and over the Jura Mountains to