of interest therein referred to, you will learn from it that the secretary has instituted an inquiry into abuses, which promises to develop gross enormities in connexion with Indian treaties which have been negotiated, as well as in the expenditures for the removal and subsistence of the Indians. He represents also other irregularities of a serious nature that have grown up in the practice of the Indian department, which will require the appropriation of upward of two hundred thousand dollars to correct, and which claim the immediate attention of Congress.

In reflecting on the proper means of defending the country, we can not shut our eyes to the consequences which the introduction and use of the power of steam upon the ocean are likely to produce in wars between maritime states. We can not yet see the extent to which this power may be applied in belligerent operations, connecting itself as it does with recent improvements in the science of gunnery and projectiles; but we need have no fear of being left, in regard to these things, behind the most active and skilful of other nations, if the genius and enterprise of our fellow-citizens receive proper encouragement and direction from government.

True wisdom would nevertheless seem to dictate the necessity of placing in perfect condition those fortifications which are designed for the protection of our principal cities and roadsteads. For the defence of our extended maritime coast, our chief reliance should be placed on our navy, aided by those inventions which are destined to recommend themselves to public adoption; but no time should be lost in placing our principal cities on the seaboard and the lakes in a state of entire security from foreign assault. Separated as we are from the countries of the Old World, and in much unaffected by their policy, we are happily relieved from the necessity of maintaining large standing armies in times of peace. The policy which was adopted by Mr. Monroe, shortly after the conclusion of the late war with Great Britain, of preserving a regularly-organized staff, sufficient for the command of a large military force, should the necessity for one arise, is founded as well in economy as in true wisdom. Provision is thus made, upon filling up the rank and file, which can readily be done on any emergency, for the introduction of a system of discipline, both promptly and efficiently. All that is required in time of peace is to maintain a sufficient number of men to guard our fortifications, to meet any sudden contingency, and to encounter the first shock of war. Our chief reliance must be placed

on the militia; they constitute the great body of national guards, and inspired by an ardent love of country, will be found ready at all times, and at all seasons, to repair with alacrity to its defence. It will be regarded by Congress, I doubt not, at a suitable time, as one of its highest duties to attend to their complete organization and discipline.

The state of the navy pension-fund requires the immediate attention of Congress. By the operation of the act of the 3d of March, 1837, entitled "An act for the more equitable administration of the navy pension-fund," that fund has been exhausted. It will be seen from the accompanying report of the commissioner of pensions, that there will be required, for the payment of navy pensions, on the first of July next, eighty-four thou sand, and six dollars, six cents, and, on the first of January, 1842, the sum of sixty thousand dollars. In addition to these sums, about six thousand dollars will be required to pay the arrears of pensions, which will probably be allowed between the first of July and the first of January, 1842, making in the whole one hundred and fifty thousand, and six dollars, six and one third cents. To meet these payments there is, within

the control of the department, the sum of twenty-eight thousand and forty dollars, leaving a deficiency of one hundred and twenty-one thousand, nine hundred and sixty-six dollars, six and one third cents. The public faith requires that immediate provision should be made for the payment of these

sums.

In order to introduce into the navy a desirable efficiency, a new system of accountability may be found to be indispensably necessary. To mature a plan having for its object the accomplishment of an end so important, and to meet the just expectations of the country, requires more time than has yet been allowed to the secretary at the head of the department. The hope is indulged that, by the time of your next regular session, measures of importance in connexion with this branch of the public service may be matured for your consideration.

Although the laws regulating the postoffice department only require from the officer charged with its direction to report at the usual annual session of Congress, the postmaster-general has presented to me some facts connected with the financial condition of the department, which are deemed worthy the attention of Congress. By the accompanying report of that officer, it appears that the existing liabilities of that department, beyond the means of payment at its command, can not be less than five hundred thousand dollars. As the laws organizing that branch of the public service confine the expenditure to its own revenues, deficiencies therein can not be presented under the usual estimate for the expenses of government. It must, therefore, be left to Congress to determine whether the moneys now due to contractors shall be paid from the public treasury, or whether that department shall continue under its present embarrassments. It will be seen by the report of the postmaster-general, that the recent lettings of contracts in several of the states have been made at such reduced rates of compensation, as to encourage the belief that, if the department was relieved from existing difficulties, its future operations might be conducted without any further call upon the general treasury.

The power of appointing to office is one of a character the most delicate and responsible. The appointing power is evermore exposed to be led into error: with anxious solicitude to select the most trustworthy for official station, I can not be supposed to possess a personal knowledge of the qualifications of every applicant. I deem it therefore proper in this most public manner, to invite on the part of the senate a just scrutiny into the character and pretensions of every person whom I may bring to their notice in the regular form of a nomination for office. Unless persons every way trustworthy are employed in the public service, corruption and irregularity will inevitably follow. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness acquiesce in the decision of that body; and regarding it as wisely constituted to aid the executive department in the performance of this delicate duty, I shall look to its "consent and advice" as given only in furtherance of the best interests of the country. I shall also, at the earliest proper occasion, invite the attention of Congress to such measures as, in my judgment, will be best calculated to regulate and control the executive power in reference to this vitally-important subject.

I shall also, at the proper season, invite your attention to the statutory enactments for the suppression of the slave-trade, which may require to be rendered more efficient in their provisions. There is reason to believe that the traffic is on the increase. Whether such increase is to be ascribed to the abolition of slave-labor in the British possessions in our vicinity, and VOL. II.-33

an attendant diminution in the supply of those articles which enter into the general consumption of the world, thereby augmenting the demand from other quarters, and thus calling for additional labor, it were needless to inquire. The highest considerations of public honor, as well as the strongest promptings of humanity, require a resort to the most vigorous efforts to suppress the trade.

In conclusion, I beg to invite your particular attention to the interests of this district; nor do I doubt but that in a liberal spirit of legislation you will seek to advance its commercial as well as its local interests. Should Congress deem it to be its duty to repeal the existing sub-treasury law, the necessity of providing a suitable place of deposite for the public moneys which may be required within the district, must be apparent to all.

I have felt it due to the country to present the foregoing topics to your consideration and reflection. Others with which it might not seem proper to trouble you at an extraordinary session, will be laid before you at a future day. I am happy in committing the important affairs of the country into your hands. The tendency of public sentiment, I am pleased to believe, is toward the adoption, in a spirit of union and harmony, of such measures as will fortify the public interests. To cherish such a tendency of public opinion is the task of an elevated patriotism. That differences of opinion as to the means of accomplishing these desirable objects should exist, is reasonably to be expected. Nor can all be made satisfied with any system of measures; but I flatter myself with the hope that the great body of the people will readily unite in support of those whose efforts spring from a disinterested desire to promote their happiness-to preserve the federal and state governments within their respective orbits-to culti vate peace with all the nations of the earth on just and honorable grounds -to exact obedience to the laws-to entrench liberty and property in full security and, consulting the most rigid economy, to abolish all useless

expenses.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 22, 1841.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :— I HAVE the honor to submit the accompanying correspondence between myself and the honorable J. Burnet, J. C. Wright, and others, who arrived some days ago in this city, as a committee on behalf of the people of Cincinnati for the purpose, with the assent of the family, of removing the remains of the late president of the United States to North Bend, for interment. I have thought it to be my duty thus to apprize Congress of the contemplated proceedings.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JULY 1, 1841.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

THE accompanying memorial in favor of the passage of a bankrupt law, signed by nearly three thousand of the inhabitants of the city of New York, has been forwarded to me, attended by a request that I would submit it to the consideration of Congress. I can not waive a compliance with a request upon me by so large and respectable a number of my fellow-citizens. That a bankrupt law, carefully guarded against fraudulent practices, and embracing, as far as practicable, all classes of society-the failure to do which has heretofore constituted a prominent objection to the measure— would afford extensive relief, I do not doubt. The distress incident to the derangement of some years past has visited large numbers of our fellowcitizens with hopeless insolvency, whose energies, both mental and physical, by reason of the load of debt pressing upon them, are lost to the country. Whether Congress shall deem it proper to enter upon the consideration of this subject at its present extraordinary session, it will doubtless wisely determine. I have fulfilled my duty to the memorialists in submitting their petition to your consideration.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

AUGUST 2, 1841.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

On the 18th of February, 1832, the house of representatives adopted a resolution in the following words: "Resolved, That the president of the United States be authorized to employ Horatio Greenough, of Massachusetts, to execute in marble a full-length pedestrian statue of Washington, to be placed in the centre of the rotunda of the capitol; the head to be a copy of Houdon's Washington, and the accessories to be left to the judgment of the artist."

On the 23d of the same month, the secretary of state, by direction of the president, addressed to Mr. Greenough a letter of instructions for carrying into effect the resolution of the house.

On the 14th of July, 1832, an appropriation of the sum of five thousand dollars was made, "to enable the president of the United States to contract with a skilful artist to execute in marble a pedestrian statue of George Washington, to be placed in the centre of the rotunda of the capitol :" and several appropriations were made at the succeeding sessions in furtherance of the same object.

Mr. Greenough, having been employed upon the work for several years at Florence, completed it some months ago.

By a resolution of Congress, of the 27th of May, 1840, it was directed "that the secretary of the navy be authorized and instructed to take measures for the importation and erection of the statue of Washington by Greenough." In pursuance of this authority, the navy department held a correspondence with Commodore Hull, commanding on the Mediterranean sta

tion, who entered into an agreement with the owners or masters of the ship "Sea," for the transportation of the statue to the United States. This ship, with the statue on board, arrived in this city on the 31st ultimo, and now lies at the navy-yard.

As appropriations have become necessary for the payment of freight and other expenses, I communicate to Congress such papers as may enable it to judge of the amount required.

FIRST BANK VETO.

AUGUST 16, 1841.

To the Senate of the United States :

THE bill entitled, "An act to incorporate the subscribers to the fiscal bank of the United States," which originated in the senate, has been considered by me, with a sincere desire to conform my action in regard to it, to that of the two houses of Congress. By the constitution it is made my duty either to approve the bill by signing it, or to return it with my objections to the house in which it originated. I can not conscientiously give it my approval, and I proceed to discharge the duty required of me by the constitution to give my reasons for disapproving.

The power of Congress to create a national bank to operate per se over the Union, has been a question of dispute from the origin of our government. Men most justly and deservedly esteemed for their high intellectual endowments, their virtue, and their patriotism, have in regard to it entertained different and conflicting opinions. Congresses have differed. The approval of one president has been followed by the disapproval of another. The people at different times have acquiesced in decisions both for and against. The country has been and still is deeply agitated by this unsettled question. It will suffice for me to say, that my own opinion has been uniformly proclaimed against the exercise of any such pow. er by this government. On all suitable occasions, during a period of twenty-five years, the opinion thus entertained has been unreservedly expressed. I declared it in the legislature of my native state. In the house of representatives of the United States it has been openly vindicated by me.

In the senate-chamber, in the presence and hearing of many who are at this time members of that body, it has been affirmed and reaffirmed, in speeches and reports there made, and by votes there recorded. In popular assemblies I have unhesitatingly announced it; and the last public declaration which I made, and that but a short time before the late presidential election, I referred to my previously-expressed opinions as being those then entertained by me. With a full knowledge of the opinions thus entertained, and never concealed, I was elected by the people vice-president of the United States. By the occurrence of a contingency provided for by the constitution, and arising under an impressive dispensation of Providence, I succeeded to the presidential office. Before entering upon the duties of that office, I took an oath that I would "preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States."

Entertaining the opinions alluded to, and having taken this oath, the senate and the country will see that I could not give my sanction to a measure