CORRECTIONS.

Page 146-Mr. Jefferson disposed of his library to Congress, for $23,950, instead of $30,000, as stated.

Page 542-It is omitted to state that Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey, was appointed secretary of the treasury, by President Monroe, on the 9th December, 1823, in place of Smith Thompson, resigned. Page 574-Of the children of John Quincy Adams, only one is now living; namely, Charles F. Adams, of Boston, Massachusetts. Page 649-Samuel L. Southard was continued as secretary of the navy, by President Adams.

Page 1160-James K. Polk elected speaker for the second time; having been three times a candidate. On the first occasion (June 2, 1834) he was defeated by John Bell.

Page 1573-LOUISIANA.-The present number of senators, by the new constitution, is 32; of representatives, 98.

ADDITIONS TO CONTENTS.

List of Presidents of the Senate...

PAGE 1590

Jefferson's Confidential Message recommending a Western Exploring Expedition, January 18, 1803..

XXV

Washington's first Veto Message, April 5, 1792.

xxvii

Washington's second Veto Message, February 28, 1797.

xxvii

Madison's Veto Message on Internal Improvements, March 3, 1817.

xxviii

APPENDIX.

SPECIAL MESSAGES OF WASHINGTON.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

AUGUST 7, 1789.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :THE business, which has been under the consideration of Congress, has been of so much importance, that I was unwilling to draw their attention from it to any other subject; but the disputes which exist between some of the United States and several powerful tribes of Indians within the limits of the Union, and the hostilities which have in several instances been committed on the frontiers, seem to require the immediate interposition of the general government.

I have therefore directed the several statements and papers, which have been submitted to me on this subject by General Knox, to be laid before you for your information. While the measures of government ought to be calculated to protect the citizens from all injury and violence, a due regard should be extended to those Indian tribes, whose happiness, in the course of events, so materially depends on the national justice and humanity of the United States.

If it should be the judgment of Congress that it would be most expedient to terminate all differences in the southern district, and to lay the foundation for future confidence, by an amicable treaty with the Indian tribes in that quarter, I think proper to suggest the consideration of the expediency of instituting a temporary commission for that purpose, to consist of three persons, whose authority should expire with the occasion. How far such a measure, unassisted by posts, would be competent to the establishment and preservation of peace and tranquillity on the frontier, is also a matter which merits your serious consideration.

Along with this object, I am induced to suggest another, with the national importance and necessity of which I am deeply impressed: I mean some uniform and effective system for the militia of the United States. It is unnecessary to offer arguments in recommendation of a measure on which the honor, safety, and well-being of our country so evidently and so essentially depend. But it may not be amiss to observe, that I am particularly anxious it should receive as early attention as circumstances will admit; because it is now in our power to avail ourselves of the mili

tary knowledge disseminated throughout the several states by means of the many well-instructed officers and soldiers of the late army, a resource which is daily diminishing by deaths and other causes. To suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away unimproved, would be to neglect an opportunity which will never again occur, unless unfortunately we should again be involved in a long and arduous war.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

SEPTEMBER 17, 1789.

To the Senate of the United States :

Ir doubtless is important that all treaties and compacts formed by the United States with other nations, whether civilized or not, should be made with caution, and executed with fidelity.

It is said to be the general understanding and practice of nations, as a check on the mistakes and indiscretions of ministers or commissioners, not to consider any treaty, negotiated and signed by such officers, as final and conclusive, until ratified by the sovereign or government from whom they derive their powers. This practice has been adopted by the United States respecting their treaties with European nations, and I am inclined to think it would be advisable to observe it in the conduct of our treaties with the Indians; for, though such treaties, being, on their part, made by their chiefs or rulers, need not be ratified by them, yet, being formed on our part by the agency of subordinate officers, it seems to me both prudent and reasonable that their acts should not be binding on the nation, until approved and ratified by the government. It strikes me that this point should be well considered and settled, so that our national proceedings in this respect may become uniform, and be directed by fixed and stable principles.

The treaties with certain Indian nations, which were laid before you with my message of the 25th of May last, suggested two questions to my mind, namely-first, whether those treaties were to be considered as perfected, and consequently as obligatory, without being ratified. If not, then, secondly, whether both, or either, and which of them, ought to be ratified. On these questions I request your opinion and advice.

You have, indeed, advised me "to execute and enjoin an observance of" the treaty with the Wyandots, &c. You, gentlemen, doubtless intended to be clear and explicit; and yet, without further explanation, 1 fear I may misunderstand your meaning: for if, by my executing that treaty, you mean that I should make it (in a more particular and immediate manner than it now is) the act of government, then it follows that I am to ratify it. If you mean, by my executing it, that I am to see it carried into effect and operation, then I am led to conclude, either that you consider it as being perfect and obligatory in its present state, and therefore to be executed and observed; or, that you consider it to derive its completion and obligation from the silent approbation and ratification which my proclamation may be construed to imply. Although I am inclined to think that the latter is your intention, yet it is certainly best that all doubts respecting it be removed.

Permit me to observe, that it will be proper for me to be informed of your sentiments relative to the treaty with the Six Nations, previous to the departure of the governor of the western territory, and therefore I recommend it to your early consideration.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 9, 1790.

To the Senate of the United States :

You will perceive, from the papers herewith delivered, and which are enumerated in the annexed list, that a difference subsists between Great Britain and the United States relative to the boundary line between our eastern and their territories. A plan for deciding this difference was laid before the late Congress; and whether that or some other plan of a like kind would not now be eligible, is submitted to your consideration.

In my opinion it is desirable that all questions between this and other nations be speedily and amicably settled; and, in this instance, I think it advisable to postpone any negotiations on the subject until I shall be informed of the result of your deliberations, and receive your advice as to the propositions most proper to be offered on the part of the United States.

As I am taking measures for learning the intentions of Great Britain respecting the further detention of our posts, &c., I am the more solicitous that the business now submitted to you may be prepared for negotiation as soon as the other important affairs which engage your attention will permit.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

AUGUST 4, 1790.

To the Senate of the United States:

IN consequence of the general principles agreed to by the senate in August, 1789, the adjustment of the terms of a treaty is far advanced between the United States and the chiefs of the Creek Indians, now in this city, in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek nation.

In preparing this treaty, the present arrangements of trade with the Creeks have caused much embarrassment. It seems to be well ascertained that the said trade is almost exclusively in the hands of a company of British merchants, who, by agreement, make their importations of goods from England into the Spanish ports.

As the trade of the Indians is a main means of their political management, it is therefore obvious that the United States can not possess any security for the performance of treaties with the Creeks, while their trade is liable to be interrupted, or withheld, at the caprice of two foreign powers.