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drills between the 1st of April and the question to count upon so many attend4th of June-his own amongst the num- ing in the second instance, with the ber-had, according to the letter of the chance of being again thrown over by law laid down in the official code, for- absent comrades, and without an inspecfeited their capitation grant for the en- tion there could be no capitation grant. suing year. Surely the right hon. Gen- The capitation grant was the authorized tleman did not intend to enforce such a income of the regiment. It was earned penalty; and, if not, why did he make by an honourable contract between the it? for he could not have contemplated Volunteer and the Queen; and if that so unwarranted a state of things when contract were broken the punishment he made his regulations retrospective. would fall upon the commanding officer It could not have entered his mind that and the whole regiment, whose certifithe effect of such an ante-date would be cated efficiency would be blown to the to degrade and reduce to bankruptcy all winds for the inefficiency of a small those regiments who had unconsciously number. Such a course would not profallen into the trap; to say nothing of mote enthusiasm for a cause which the ridicule that such a position would proved so thankless. He asked, was entail. He held that such rules were the country prepared with its sanction not compatible with the well-being of to support such a judgment? If it was, the service, and it was trifling with the let it say so through its public journals. position which commanding officers de- Was the Government prepared to take sired and were entitled to hold. He did this responsibility? If it was, let the not think the right hon. Gentleman Secretary of State for War accept the could be aware of the humiliating posi- challenge he now gave him, to say so tion in which he had placed command- when he replied; and upon his answer, ing officers by such a ruling. Did he and upon the opinion of the countrynot know that they were not only re- both of which he challenged from his sponsible for the funds of their regi-place-must depend the fate of this ments, but also for the expenditure of the ensuing year?-and did he not know that they had frequently to make advances, or borrow money from their bankers in anticipation of the capitation grant, which by those rules was, from accidental circumstances over which they could have no real control, to be forfeited by a stroke of the Minister's pen? As an old commanding officer, he protested in the strongest terms against so arbitrary a pressure, and he had no hesitation in saying, that if those rules laid down in Clauses 35 and 38 remained in force and were to be retrospective-which no penal rules ought to be, and never were before-a large number of metropolitan regiments, and many others no doubt throughout the country, would be simply ruined, besides the utter annihilation of almost every working-man corps, or, in other words, more than half of the Force. Then with regard to the inspection, the sine quâ non of which was, that if two-thirds were not present it was to be postponement. What would be the result of such postponement? It would be tantamount to no inspection at all that year, because after the exertions and sacrifices of time and wages that had been made in the first instance, it would be out of the Colonel C. H. Lindsay

hitherto remarkable institution; an in-
stitution which had stood the test of
time and criticism, and which, accord-
ing to the opinions of all the general
officers of the day, was still tread-
ing the path of improvement. The
13th paragraph of the 36th clause re-
ferred to the application of the Mutiny
Act and the Articles of War to the
Volunteers in time of peace, when bri-
gaded with the Militia and Regular
Forces. He had always held a strong
opinion upon this policy which was in-
augurated last year, and he had no
hesitation in saying that he considered
such application in time of peace as a
mockery, upon the Act itself, an insult to
the Volunteer service, and a farce in
every sense of the word.
It was a
mockery because it was unworkable with
a body of men who by the Act in ques-
tion could not be under martial law
except in case of invasion or threatened
invasion, and because the penalties which
were imposed only applied, in nine cases
out of ten, to men who received pay,
and they were chiefly confined to stop-
pages of pay. It was therefore inap-
plicable in every sense of the word to
Volunteers, because they received no pay.
It was an insult, because it implied a
want of confidence in the discipline of

the Volunteer Service when brigaded | for some years been established by the with the Militia and Regular Forces. Volunteer service throughout the length Now, it so happened that the general and breadth of the land. With respect discipline of the service had been favourably reported upon by all the General Officers who had inspected the Volunteers, and as commanding officers had literally more summary power over insubordination than the Mutiny Act itself, it was treating the Volunteers as nothing more or less than common soldiers; and all for what?-for the purpose of obtaining uniformity, and not because the ends of discipline had been defeated by the absence of its application. Now, to exemplify the farce of the whole affair, the Mutiny Act, though ruled by paragraph 13 of the clause, to be applicable was evidently not intended to be practically applied, simply because its provisions could not possibly be carried out for the reasons he had given. It became law last year previous to the Autumn Manoeuvres. But it was never read or ordered to be read at the head of any battalion, according to the custom in the Army. No copies of the Act or Articles of War were issued; and, he ventured to say, there was hardly a man of the 5,000 who were there who had the slightest idea whether he was under the Mutiny Act or not, or what the penalties involved were. In conclusion, he wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman the following pertinent questions-namely, Whether he had realised the very severe blow which he had assumed to himself the power of inflicting upon the Volunteer service, if he intended to enforce those rules to which he had especially referred, to say nothing of the personal liability which he had also assumed to himself the power of imposing upon the commanding officers? And whether he was aware that, by the action he had taken, he was interfering with many important interests, which ought not to be disturbed at the will and pleasure of any Minister; that was, by putting this high pressure upon the safety valve, if he might so call it, of an institution which had long ago gained the confidence of every Government as a great constitutional bulwark of national security? He would content himself with alluding to two of those important interests which were enough for his purpose. One was the National Rifle Association, and the other was the great training school which had

to the National Rifle Association, he would rather leave the subject to the noble Lord the Member for Haddingtonshire, who was the prime mover and promoter of that significant institution; but he ventured to say this much-that as the existence and continuance of the National Rifle Association, which was the immediate offspring of the Volunteer movement, depended upon its healthy and undiminished position, any policy which could have the effect of prejudicing its interests and character would be a most unfortunate one. And with respect to what he called the training school of the nation, he was sure that the Committee would agree with him when he said that the Volunteer movement had established a system for training the young men of the country in a marvellous degree-for go where one would there was a drill shed and rifle butt in almost every large parish belonging to the Volunteer Corps of that locality-giving thereby an almost nightly opportunity to those who felt inclined and could afford time to drill and receive general training. The consequence of which was, that since the year 1859 nearly 500,000 trained men had actually passed through the ranks of the Volunteer Service; and they had done so with the fullest intention of returning to their former regiments which gave them their training, should necessity require them, which of itself would be a prospective reinforcement of great significance placed at the disposal of the Government and the country at a moment's notice. He asked, was not that an important in terest to preserve unassailed? and he wished to point out how valuable was the action and the result of this great training school, and how important it was that the Volunteer rank and file should be continuously passing in and out of their corps, and thereby prepare the citizens of the nation for any emergency. He said, therefore, do not disturb the well-considered and well-working system which had been established by the Volunteer movement, and which had gained the confidence of the country. Having now alluded to the points which he thought not only objectionable but fatal to the service if it was to be maintained, he could not sit down without

urging the right hon. Gentleman to re- | ragement to them. At the same time, consider these violent changes, which, in he should be sorry for it to go forth that his opinion, would shake it to its very the Force was dissatisfied with the whole foundation. He would urge him to do of the regulations, and he believed that so because if he pressed these changes they would satisfy those Volunteers who as they stood, he would simply be cutting wished the Force to be more than a ducks and drakes with a cause which he sham. The efficiency of officers was felt confident the country would regret always a weak point, because those who to see collapse under an impossible knew their duty were not always prepressure. He trusted, then, the right pared to give up their time to the serhon. Gentleman would do as he asked vice, or had not always the confidence him, and modify the clauses and sections of the men. Still, it was right to lay in question in such a manner as to be down the rule that the officers must be satisfactory to the commanding officers, efficient-that was, that they should who were, at all events, the key-stones of know how to command their companies; the various units of the great fabric of and he was glad that a certificate of national defence, and who had been efficiency was to be required, for he placed in a false position a position thought no one ought to obtain a comwhich would be rendered untenable owing mission who could not satisfy the reto the one turn too much of the screw quirements necessary to procure it. He which had been applied to one of the was of opinion that they would never most remarkable movements of modern make anything like soldiers of Voluntimes. teers until they got them into camp; but in such a case a greater allowance ought to be given them on account of the heavy burdens they were subject to. With regard to shooting, he was of opinion that when once a Volunteer had proved himself a good shot, he ought not to be put to the inconvenience of going to the target every year. As the officer of a company, and one who was deeply interested in the movement from the first, and strongly convinced of the great additional social and hygienic benefit it had conferred on the country, he ventured thus to trespass on the attention of the Committee, and to express his confident expectation that those points dwelt upon by his hon. and gallant Friend would be carefully considered by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £470,600, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the Charge for Volunteer Corps, which will come in course of payment from the 1st day of April 1872 to the

31st day of March 1873, inclusive."(Colonel Charles Lindsay.)

MR. KENNAWAY said, he thought that the Volunteer Force ought to feel indebted to the hon. and gallant Member (Colonel C. Lindsay) for enabling the Committee to discuss these regulations, which must have a great effect for good or evil on the future of the Volunteers. With respect to the inspection, he felt that the hon. and gallant Member had hit a blot when he directed attention to the rule requiring the attendance of two-thirds under very severe penalties. In his opinion, seeing MR. P. WYKEHAM-MARTIN said, the great difficulties that existed as to he believed these regulations would in procuring that attendance at certain the main be beneficial. Having gone times, he thought the rule too stringent through them with the corps to which and the penalty too high; and that it he had the honour to belong, he must would be better in case two-thirds were say that he had not heard the slightest not present to provide that the absentees disapprobation of or dislike to them should get no money. With regard, expressed by any of the men. The battoo, to the two hours' question, it seemed talion to which he belonged drilled toto him that the time was unnecessarily gether at Dover-a long journey out long, for his corps was inspected last and home of 40 miles-for which he year by companies within the hour. was entitled to receive 18., but of course The Volunteers would be very jealous it cost a great deal more than that. The of any interference with their serjeant-matter was one which did not affect instructors, and if the men were at any himself, but it did affect other members particular time deprived of their serjeant- of the corps, and he wished to know instructors it would be a great discou- whether matters could not be so arranged

Colonel C. H. Lindsay

as to enable a brigade drill to be counted | LINDSAY: How will you punish them?] as one of the battalion drills necessary They could place a man in a guardto make a man efficient? Section 59 of the regulations, too, would press hardly on officers in certain cases. Was he, under that regulation, to be deprived of his commission if he did not attend, because the Committee of Selection might insist on his attention to his duty as a Member of that House?

MR. CARDWELL explained. The 59th rule only applied, unless it was represented that there were special reasons for its relaxation. With regard to brigade drill, it was intended that it should count as battalion drill. The expenses referred to by his hon. Friend would be done away with when the centres were established.

COLONEL WILSON - PATTEN observed that the Committee of Selection had already given leave of absence to his hon. Friend that Session, to enable him to attend to his Volunteer duties.

COLONEL BARTTELOT said, he wished to make a few remarks on this important subject. He was not going into the details of what his hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel C. Lindsay) called the "code." If it was thought right and wise and prudent to impose that code, they must do what they were ordered to do, or they would become useless to the country, which would not have that confidence in them which they hoped and believed it had. If the Volunteers were to be an efficient portion of our auxiliary force, they must have more discipline than they had yet had. He did not say that they showed a want of discipline; but they had not learnt that military discipline which men called out with arms were bound to learn and have. They could not teach men all those little minutia of discipline which were absolutely necessary without having them under more control than heretofore, and it was impossible that such discipline as was necessary could be acquired in the case of men who were at liberty to come or go as they chose. The best thing, therefore, that could befall the Volunteers would be that they should be called out for six, seven, or eight consecutive days, and then the officers and men would learn what discipline was, and what they had to perform. Then, with regard to the Mutiny Act, he maintained that no good Volunteer would be afraid of going out under it. [Colonel C.

room and deprive him of his arms, and to a Volunteer that would be a greater punishment than anything they could do to a man of the Line or of the Militia. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would declare, as soon as he conveniently could, what he ultimately intended the Volunteers to do-how the Militia, the Regular troops, and depôt centres were to be brigaded together, and when they were to be called out. If the right hon. Gentleman did that-and he believed he would try to do it-he would have done good service not only towards the discipline of the Volunteers, but to promote and maintain good feeling between Volunteers, Militia, and the Regular Army.

SIR HEDWORTH WILLIAMSON said, that as one of the Volunteer Artillery officers who had attended at the War Office the other day, he was perfectly satisfied with the disposition then shown to meet their legitimate wishes. Still, his right hon. Friends the Secretary of State and the Controller must take care not to be led too much away by his hon. Friend below on their right hand, for in that case they would be obstructing the Volunteer Artillery in their endeavours to make themselves a thoroughly efficient force. There were two or three trifling things which caused inconvenience, some small attempt which showed too great a disposition to stint them. He commanded an Artillery corps of 120 men; if they were allowed to have one 40-pounder Armstrong gun, he believed they could man and horse it with great efficiency. But he was told that one gun was not a unit of artillery

two guns were the unit of artillery; and, of course, if they could not have one, they were not likely to get two. He thought it a pity, because there happened to be some regulation laid down at head-quarters of two guns being the unit of artillery, that an efficient though small corps should not be able to compete with a larger but not more efficient corps in the neighbourhood. He hoped the Government would consider the claims of the small corps, and that no red tape system would be allowed to interfere with their efficiency.

LORD ELCHO said, he was not satisfied with what the Government had done as regarded the Volunteer Artillery.

36,000 of these men were a great element of national strength; but the Government had withdrawn the field artillery, one plea being that that required skilled artillerymen, and that Volunteers could not be sufficiently skilled for field service. Now, the field artilleryman was comparatively a labourer, while the garrison artilleryman, with the mechanical appliances to work the guns, was a skilled mechanic, so that a Volunteer was more likely to be efficient in the former than in the latter capacity. The other plea was, that Volunteers could not horse the guns and find drivers. Now, whatever the amount of field artillery, it could never bear a proper proportion to the large number of men of different forces on the Estimates; and if the field artillery was decently horsed and driven, the greater the proportion of artillery the better our position. He had been anxious for the testing of the field artillery in the field at the late Manoeuvres to see whether they were worth maintaining; but that had not been done, though 100 guns of field artillery cost no more than 10 of other artillery. It was now stated that the field batteries of Volunteers were to be withdrawn, and that they were to serve as garrison artillerymen, and also, he believed, as batteries of position. Now, anybody who had attended the Brighton reviews must have been struck by the way in which the heavy guns of position, after being drawn 30 miles in a day by agricultural labour, had taken up any position, however difficult, to which they were ordered. That important system cost the country nothing, the agricultural horses being lent by the farmers. It had been established 10 years in Sussex; why had it not been established in other counties on the coast? He was aware that that was in process; but it might have been done long ago. The right hon. Gentleman's attention was directed to it two years ago, at the outbreak of the late war, and he was urged to take the necessary measures. The objection taken was, that it was a large question; but that he denied, all that was wanted being a circular to the Lords Lieutenant of the coast counties, asking them to communicate with the farmers and gentry, and the artillery corps. That would be an inestimable element of national strength, for he believed an invasion Lord Elcho

would be almost impossible in the teeth of guns moved in this way through the country. His hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel C. Lindsay) had entered very fully and temperately into the question of the new code, and without going into details, he might say that, generally, the feeling in the Volunteer Force was very much that expressed by his hon. and gallant Friend. He differed from him as to the rule that all officers below a certain grade, however long they had served, should go before a Board and be examined, or lose their commissions. Now, formerly, Volunteer officers were consulted by the authorities before new regulations were issued, and five years ago Colonel Erskine, who, apparently because he was a good administrator, had been turned adrift, asked his opinion on this point. His answer was, that he was willing to have the inspecting officer say whether he was fit to command, but was not willing, at his time of life and after the years he had served, to go before a Board, neither was he prepared to say that he would be able to answer, according to the new code, the exact position of the little finger of his right hand in musketry drill. The country had a right to demand efficiency, but that should be tested in a practical way, not by an examination in which the bookman answering questions by rote might pass, and the more practical man fail. It was then arranged that the inspecting officer should examine a commanding officer in the field and certify as to his fitness, in which way he obtained his certificate, and he contended that, whatever the rule as to the future, the present captains, lieutenants, and ensigns should be tested in the same manner. Right feeling towards men who had discharged voluntary duties for years dictated that course. As to the regulations generally, the Prime Minister six years ago, at the time of the Reform debates, defending the dictatorial way in which he had treated certain Members and the House, said he and his Colleagues had done so because they knew the sort of men they had to deal with. [Mr. GLADSTONE dissented.] He distinctly remembered the remark. This Government had two faults-the pedantry of officialism and absolute ignorance of human nature. The latter was exemplified by the Prime Minister early in the Session, when he insisted upon his

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