At v. 666 his abominable doctrine of unconditional obedience in things bad as well as good: ἀλλ ̓ ὃν πόλις στήσειε τοῦδε χρὴ κλύειν καὶ σμικρὰ καὶ δίκαια, καὶ τἀναντία. At v. 774 his refinement in cruelty in burying Antigone alive when the penalty originally prescribed had been stoning, and which is made still worse by his hypocritical speech (887 seqq.) where he pretends to doubt whether it will have the effect of killing her. εἴτε χρῆ θανεῖν εἴτ ̓ ἐν τοιαύτῃ ζῶσα τυμβεύειν στέγῃ. At v. 1040, his impiety— τάφῳ δ ̓ ἐκεῖνον οὐχὶ κρύψετε οὐδ ̓ ἐι θελουσ ̓ οἱ Ζηνὸς αἰετοὶ βορὰν φέρειν νιν ἁρπάζοντες ἐς Διὸς θρόνους. The violent and tyrannical character of Creon, such as the poet conceived it, is also pourtrayed in the Edipus Coloneus, v. 728 seqq. Thus Jacob's "view of the Grundgedanke," or, as we should call it, the moral of the piece, seems nearer the truth: namely, "That we must piously honour the laws of the gods, and severely are those punished who infringe upon their holiness." For hither all the action tends. The deaths of Hæmon and Eurydice are nothing to Antigone, as they happen after her own. But they go to fill up the measure of Creon's misfortunes, to which even that of Antigone herself contributes: his conscience for that deed having been awakened by Tiresias to such a point that he is anxious to save her when too late. And thus he alone is left the unpitied survivor of misfortunes produced by his own violence. But Böckh's theory is chiefly unjust towards Antigone". The violence and folly which he takes such pains to fix upon her are merely that degree of spirit without which her heroic deed could not have taken place; and had she incurred no danger—had she violated no human commands-where would have been her merit? The Athenians, whose very drinking song was the celebrated Scolion of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, could not have taken Böckh's view of her character. For to what a servile moral does 21 Her dispatching herself with her girdle is adduced as a proof of her violence. But who would not rather do so than die a miserable lingering death entombed alive? it tend! that the sacred duty towards departed friends, and the very laws of the gods, may be set aside at the will of an irresponsible tyrant, and that in such circumstances resistance is a crime and passive obedience a virtue: could this have been a moral ever intended for Attic ears? or could that completest of democracies have ever rewarded the poet who inculcated it? According to this view Ismene's character is the model of perfection, yet Ismene at the very outset, v. 65, acknowledges that she deserts her duty out of fear, and asks pardon of the infernal deities for so doing. Her character, indeed, is not without its amiable traits. She is the gentle and timid woman of ordinary life, but as a dramatic heroine wholly insignificant. The poet merely produces her to throw the character of Antigone into stronger relief, and when that is effected, she is dismissed and no more heard of her. This part of the play is conducted with all that dramatic skill in which Sophocles was so great a master, and the whole character of Antigone is painted with the most life-like strokes. In order to shew the superiority of ancient art it may be permitted to contrast, for a moment, the manner in which the same subject has been handled by a modern poet of no mean reputation-Alfieri, in his tragedy of the same name. Instead of the timid and feminine Ismene, Alfieri has introduced Argia, the widow of Polynices, a heroine as determined, or even more so, than Antigone herself, since she reproaches her with having survived the death of Polynices: "E tu, qual hai tu dritto Di contendermi il mio? tu, che il vedesti Morire, e ancor pur vivi?" The force of contrast which is so skilfully managed in the play of Sophocles is thus destroyed, and the character of Antigone loses much of its effect. In order to give Argia time to come from Argos, the attempt at burial is postponed for six days, as we are told by Argia herself, who is astonished, as well she might be, that Antigone has suffered the body to remain so long: "In campo preda Alle fiere il mio sposo ?-ed io nel campo Passai pur dianzi!-e tu vel lasci? Il sesto Per man del rio fratello; ed insepolto Atto I. Sc. 3. What has Antigone been doing all this while? The heroic virgin has been spending it in weak and unavailing lamentations: "O Polonice, o fratel mio, finora Pianto invano-Pass) stagion del pianto; Atto Primo, Sc. 2. This is not the Antigone of Sophocles. By way of amends, however, Alfieri makes her a great deal more courageous towards the end of the play than the Antigone of the Grecian poet. When led off to execution she speaks as follows: "Su, mi affrettate, andiam; sí lento passo Tocca la meta-Impietosir voi forse Di me potreste?—Andiam-Ti veggo in volto Terribil morte, eppur di te non tremo." Atto v. Sc 3. This is mere bluster. The method of Sophocles is reversed, and she is made weak and irresolute before the deed, bold and determined after. Which is the more natural picture of female heroism? The Antigone of Sophocles is dragged off to death with the greatest reluctance. She bids a sad farewell to the glorious sun, and laments her untimely fate, and her bereavement of the joys of love. This instead of depreciating her heroism is an addition to it. We see that she is still a woman, with all the soft and tender feelings of her sex; and the act of piety towards her brother, which has stimulated her to deeds above her nature, gains, in consequence, an additional lustre. The art of the poet, too, is here shewn, in enlisting the feelings of the audience for his heroine. Such perfect, stoical, fortitude as is displayed by Alfieri's Antigone can never find its way to the heart. We may admire and wonder, but we cannot pity or regret. But it is, perhaps, unfair to compare any play, as to the poet's conduct of it, with that of the greatest master of dramatic art that ever existed. A few words as to M. Böckh's translation. The almost superstitious care with which he has executed it is remarkable. Not only are the iambic and anapæstic verses given in a similar German measure, but even the different lines of the choral odes are rendered in an equal number of syllables. This must have been a work of prodigious toil, and of which only the German language and German industry seem capable. Even the most out-of-the-way epithets too are preserved-evápμaтos 'wagenberühmte,' &c. In his preface (p. 5) he says that he has put the original opposite to his translation, not for the sake of explaining the latter, because he has purposely given it the same degree of darkness which the original has, and where the translation is incomprehensible, the Greek is so likewise; but merely that the learned reader may satisfy himself how far it is a faithful version. The idea of explaining a translation by the original is calculated to make an English reader smile. There is much, however, that is useful and praiseworthy in this careful method of proceeding; and if not so pleasing to the general reader as a freer and more elegant version, it is at least more useful to the student: though there will, perhaps, be but few inclined to agree with M. Böckh's assertion, that the difficult passages were as unintelligible to the countrymen and contemporaries of the poet as to ourselves. T. DYER. VI. WHAT CITY DOES HERODOTUS MEAN BY CADYTIS? LIB. III. 5. HERODOTUS Seems to confine Phoenicia to the north, which has been called Phoenicia Proper; and he assigns the country from Phoenicia, as far as the vicinity or territory of the city of Cadytis, to the Syrians of Palestine; but from the city of Cadytis he assigns all the maritime towns, as far as Jenysus, to the king of Arabia; from Jenysus, again, the country belongs to the Syrians as far as the lake of Sirbon. " Lightfoot, Vol. II. p. 303, edit. fol., Prideaux, Connect. Part I. Book i. pp. 85, 86. edit. 8vo, and the editor of Calmet's Dict. Fragments, Vol. III. No. Liv. p. 102, 3rd edit., are of opinion that by Cadytis Herodotus means Jerusalem. On examination, however, we shall find, I think, that Herodotus does not mean Jerusalem, but Kedesh in Galilee in Mount Naphtali," one of the six cities of refuge, called also Kedesh Naphtali (Josh. xx. 7. Judg. iv. 6). The learned writers above mentioned ground their opinion on the word the Holy,' which was an epithet or distinguishing title of the city of Jerusalem; but we can hardly suppose that Herodotus, in mentioning or describing a city, would give only its epithet, omitting its proper name. Cadytis, as it is in Herodotus, was easily formed from the Kadesh of the Hebrew. In the Syrian idiom the is changed into, and the word would be pronounced by the natives Kadet or Kadit, which a Greek writer would naturally change into Kadytis. Another reason that קדושה .... p. induces Lightfoot to suppose that Jerusalem is intended, is, that Herodotus describes it as a city not much inferior in size to Sardes: Σαρδίων οὐ πολλῷ ἐλάσσονος. Kedesh, however, was a large and important town. In the time of Joshua it was the chief town of a district governed by one of the petty kings whom he smote, Josh. xii. 22; and being chosen for one of the cities of refuge, it must have been a considerable place, Josh. xx. 7. It is called Kedasa by Josephus: Κέδασαν πόλιν μεταξὺ δ' ἐστὶ αὐτὴ τῆς τε Τυρίων yŵs, kaì rŵs Tadıλaías. Antiq. lib. xIII. c. 5. 572. Brocard says of it: "Cedes Nephtalim quæ fuit civitas fugitivorum in tribu Nephtalim, et abundat omnibus bonis. Monstrantur illic magnæ ruinæ, et sepulchra pulcherrima antiquorum." Descript. Terræ Sanct. Adrichomius describes it: "Magna et munita tribus Nephtalim urbs est, ob agri adjacentis ubertatem nullis non rebus abundans .... una cum aliis novem inter præcipuas regionis Decapoleos civitates numerata fuit; et tandem cum Christianam religionem amplexa esset, episcopali honore aucta fuit. Magnæ hic, etiam nunc, extant ruinæ, et pulcherrima antiquorum sepulchra quæ pristinum civitatis redolent splendorem." Theatrum Terræ Sanct. p. 104, &c. Benjamin of Tudela mentions it: DNP ,but in saying, as he does here ; היא קדש נפתלי על שפת הירדן that it was situated on the banks of the Jordan, he cannot be cor rect; there is, perhaps, some stream there that runs into the Jordan. No modern traveller that I know of appears to have visited the remains of Kedesh. Josephus, describing Galilee, says it was all well cultivated by the inhabitants: no spot was allowed to remain untilled. The towns were numerous, and the fertility of the soil was so great as to maintain a vast number of villages which were thickly spread over the country, and were so populous, that the least of them contained above fifteen thousand inhabitants. Προσησκήθη γοῦν ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκητόρων πᾶσα, καὶ μέρος αὐτῆς οὐδὲν ἀργόν. ἀλλὰ καὶ πόλεις πυκναὶ, καὶ τὸ τῶν κωμών πλῆθος πανταχοῦ πολυάνθρωπον διὰ τὴν εὐθηνίαν, ὡς τὴν ἐλαχίστην ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίους πρὸς τοῖς μυρίοις Xew oikýτopas." De Bello Jud. lib. 111. c. 3. p. 1120. If the villages were so large and populous, we may well conclude that the chief city of Upper Galilee was, in ancient times, a very large and populous place, and perhaps not much inferior to Sardes. Necho king of Egypt was marching against the Babylonians; his line of march was through the whole extent of the Holy Land; and after entering into Syria proper, his route was then towards the Euphrates at Carchemish or Circesium. He defeated Josiah king of Judah at Megiddo; and, after this battle, proceeding on |