gation current among economists were utterly repugnant to the fundamental principles of natural philosophy. It was already implicitly acknowledged that it was a mathematical science. In any book of Algebra it was said that money was a positive quantity, and debts negative quantities. Each were exchangeable, and therefore economic quantities. Here, therefore, were positive economic quantities and negative economic quantities. Now mathematicians had fully explained the meaning of negative quantities and the use of the negative sign in the various physical sciences, but no mathematician had explained the meaning of negative economic quantities and the theory of the negative sign in political economy. Nevertheless it was of the highest importance to do so. Under the simple fact remarked by algebraists that debts were negative quantities, there lay hid a new and magnificent branch of economical analysis, which contained the solution of the theory of credit, and all other incorporeal property, which constituted at least 95 per cent. of valuable property, which was wholly omitted from economic works. Adopting the conception of exchanges, a great new physical science was presented to us, fitted to be raised to the rank of an exact science; for it was found that the laws of exchange were absolutely the same in all ages and countries. Economic science could therefore be raised to the rank of an exact science, because it was based upon principles of human nature as permanent and universal as those of physical substances upon which the physical sciences were based. On the Utility of Colonization. By HERMAN MERIVALE. The author drew a distinction between the benefits of colonization, which for his purpose he assumed to be admitted, and those of retaining the government of colonies after they had become settled communities. As to the latter, he observed that the following was the simplest mode of stating the question. How far is the profitable application of the accumulated knowledge, capital, and labour of an old country to the production of wealth in a new country aided by the circumstance that both are under the same government? But passing over at present the general problem, he confined himself to a single portion of it, namely, how far the advantage which we derive from emigration as an outlet to our people might be affected by any political change involving the loss of our colonial empire. He then entered on a variety of statistical details to show that the peculiar advantage of emigration, as now carried on, consisted not only in its extent, but in the regular manner in which it controlled the progress of population. He showed that since the year 1845, when the potato-disease commenced, the increase of population in the United Kingdom, taken together, had been scarcely greater than in France during the same period. In England and Wales however, taken alone, the natural increase had been about 10 per cent., in France about 4 per cent. only. And yet, in the same period, England and Wales had probably sent out a million of emigrants, France none (that is, the immigration into that country nearly balanced the emigration). In the same period, in England and Wales, the following circumstances had coincided:-large emigration, increase of the number of births, increase of the number of marriages, with no diminution in the average length of life, indicating no diminution in the comfort of the people. Emigration has provided for about one child in six, and thereby enabled the people of England to marry as early as before, and to have as many children, without any pressure of our population indicated by decline in the national well-being. In France, the same period exhibited these facts :-no emigration, a due relative increase in the number of marriages, no diminution in the public well-being, as indicated by mortality, but rather an increase. The inevitable consequence which these facts indicated was, as the author observed, that there must have been a diminution in the number of births to a marriage. And this was completely borne out by the facts. The annual number of births remained absolutely stationary throughout the period. The ratio of births to a marriage was continually diminishing (from 1822 to 1831, 3.64-now about 3). Marriages were less productive, either from being contracted later or from other causes; and the progress of population was, in our country, in a more normal and healthy condition, owing to the resource which emigration afforded. 1862. 11 It was, however, obvious that if a foreign country would receive our overflow as readily and as regularly as a colony, England gained nothing, in this matter of emigration, by retaining her dominion over the latter. And this had been the case for very many years. The United States had afforded greater facilities to emigrants than any or all our colonies, and had attracted them in greater numbers. But the present state of that republic seems to preclude all reasonable hope of the continuance of those facilities to anything like the same extent. Clearly not, if it separated into a number of distracted and indebted communities, with hostile feelings to each other; probably not, even if the union could be restored. He therefore argued the great importance of maintaining our political tie at the present moment with those colonies which absorb our emigrants-Canada and Australia; the latter beginning already to receive so large a number as to show a figure of some importance in our returns. And, without laying too much stress on numerical statements having reference to so short a period as the last two years, he thought there were already signs of a serious stoppage of emigration in general, and of a comparative diversion of that which exists, from the States to the colonies. On the Training and Instruction of the Unemployed in the Manufacturing Districts during the present Crisis. By the Rev. W. N. MOLESWORTH, M.A. The author of this paper stated that he read it rather with a view of obtaining suggestions than of imparting information. He then proceeded to give a briet account of the operations of the Rochdale committee for the instruction of the unemployed. The object of that committee was to educate the unemployed adults during a portion of the hours in which, under ordinary circumstances, they would be at work. The teachers were persons who had volunteered their services from among the unemployed themselves*, the teaching being in fact very similar to that of the Sunday schools; the branches of education taught in the schools were reading, writing, arithmetic, and elementary geography. In addition to this, some gentlemen in the town had given readings or lectures on various subjects; and on these occasions the scholars were encouraged to ask questions, and to enter into a conversational discussion of the topics treated by the lecturer. Of course the instruction given in these schools was very imperfect; still it was appreciated by the men, who were evidently very grateful for the efforts made for their improvement, and anxious to profit by them. The committee had only just commenced their operations, and were much cramped by the want of funds†. They were gradually feeling their way towards something higher and better, and he was sure that they would be very thankful for any suggestions that might be contributed by the eminent educationists present in the Section, in the course of the discussion which would follow the reading of the paper. Local Taxation and Real Property. By FREDERICK PURDY, F.S.S., Principal of the Statistical Department, Poor Law Board, London. In the schemes recently brought before the public for the partial or complete revision of British taxation, none, so far as I am aware, has recognized the claims to consideration which the large and constantly increasing revenue raised under the designation of "local taxation " possesses. The question of our local imposts ought not, in any discussion of the equitable re-adjustment of the taxation of the kingdom, to be ignored. Obviously the money expended for the relief of the poor, for the formation and the repair of the public highways, for the prevention or for the punishment of crime, for the sewerage and sanitary regulations of towns, and for the other various objects of public utility, for which local taxes are raised, is as necessary to the maintenance of the country in its political, social, and economical integrity as the imperial expenditure for the Army, the Navy, or the Civil Service. The information collected under the powers of the Local Taxation Returns Act * Paid masters have since been engaged, the teachers remaining as monitors under them, with a payment of 1s. each. + This would have been amply supplied by means of the Australian grants. of 1860, and recently published by the Home Office, is supplementary to the Returns of Local Taxation in England and Wales published by other departments. Therefore, as regards England, we have at length a complete account of the amounts raised and expended for local purposes. With respect to Scotland and Ireland the amounts of two or three of the principal local taxes are officially published, and the others are approximately known. Hence we obtain a close approximation to the entire amount of the local taxes of the United Kingdom. The majority of these taxes are incident upon real property; the residue falls upon personal property. This distinction will be observed in the subsequent classification. As regards England and Wales, the figures given hereafter chiefly relate to the year 1860-61, though in a few instances the returns refer to an earlier date. 1. The poor's rate is by far the heaviest of our local taxes; with this rate the largest portion of the county, borough, and police rates is raised; but, for the sake of a clearer classification, these latter rates have been deducted, leaving a total almost exclusively devoted to the relief of the poor. In 1860-61 this sum was £5,996,409. This was quite independent of all payments from Her Majesty's Treasury, and of other receipts in aid of poor's rates. 2. The amount of county, borough, and police rates paid out of the poor's rate in the same year was £1,925,210. 3. In many places the borough rate is levied separately; in 1854 it amounted to £311,953. 4. Highway rates in 1859, inclusive of labour given by parishes in lieu of payment of rates, amounted to £2,065,841. 5. Church rates in 1860-61 were returned as £233,560. 6. Sewers' rate in certain districts, not metropolitan, £35,323. 7. Drainage and Embankment rates, £65,672. 8. City of London Commission of Sewers, £21,058. 9. Rates raised by the Metropolis Local Management Board, £788,189. 10. Metropolis Main Drainage, £161,017. 11. Rates raised by Burial Boards, £103,707. 12. Rates raised by Local Boards, £850,578. These, together with two small sums for lighting and watching, and for Improvement Commissions, constitute an aggregate of £12,582,277 leviable on real property. The other taxes are 13. Turnpike tolls (inclusive of parish compositions), which in 1859 amounted to £1,126,465; whence it appears that the cost of the highways and turnpike roads in England and Wales is nearly £3,200,000 a year. 14. Harbours, 1860-61, amounted to £1,201,398; and 15. Trinity House dues, in 1861, to £288,313. These three rates form a total of £2,616,176, and are incident upon personal property. The grand total raised in England and Wales, therefore, as the local taxation for one year, was £15,198,053. As regards Scotland, 1. Poor's rates in 1860-61, inclusive of £18,159 collected at church doors, £646,871. 2. Cost of police in counties and burghs, in 1852, £76,609; prison-rate assessment in 1860, £36,107. It is believed that there are other items of local taxation, but they are not easily discovered. The total of these three rates is £741,428, all incident upon real property. 3. Turnpike tolls and Highland roads and bridges in 1858-59, inclusive of revenue from other sources in aid, £233,337. 4. Northern lights in 1860, £59,747. Total £292,084, falling on personal property. The aggregate (and it can only be regarded as an approximate one) is £1,035,512. As regards Ireland, 1. Poor's rate in 1860-61, including the cost under the Medical Charities Act, £689,229. 2. Grand jury presentments in 1860, amounting to £1,034,927. These presentments, it should be observed, defray charges similar to those provided for by the county and borough rates of England. 3. Dublin police in 1852, £38,324. Total £1,732,480, falling upon real property. This, like the similar charge for Scotland, must be considered as a close approximation only. 4. Dublin Ballast Board in 1860, £46,658. This charge falls upon personal property. The grand total for Ireland is £1,779,138. Gathering the totals together for the three kingdoms, we are presented with the following summary : Amount of local taxes (a.) Incident upon real property. England and Wales Scotland Ireland (b.) Incident upon personal property. England and Wales Scotland Total 2,616,176 292,084 46,658 2,954,918 Grand total .. £18,011,103 Hence it appears that the real property of the United Kingdom pays the large sum of £15,056,000 for local taxation, before it comes under the hand of the collector of imperial taxes. The amount of imperial taxation which this description of property has to bear can only be given roughly, because some of the items clearly chargeable thereto cannot be eliminated from the general mass. These imposts are, however, so far as known or capable of estimate, as follows : Therefore the amount of taxation, local and imperial, paid out of real property is £24,508,000. The annual value of real property, assessable under head Schedule A, was in 1861, in £ 105,464,061 13,212,882 13,003,554 £131,680,497 From the foregoing statistics it appears that the rate in the pound on real property in this country is, in respect of Real property pays 28. 3d. in the pound for local rates, before it comes on to the Chancellor of the Exchequer's Budget for further taxation. Advocates for the reform of the Income and Property Tax Acts propose to relieve the holders of precarious incomes of some part of the present impost by throwing a larger charge upon the possessors of permanent incomes; but a considerable portion of the latter derive their income, or portions of it, from real property it is therefore a proposal, so far as they are concerned, to increase the load upon their property, already unduly burdened by the local taxation of the country.] On the Pauperism and Mortality of Lancashire, By FREDERICK PURDY, F.S.S., Principal of the Statistical Department, Poor Law Board. 1. To bring under the notice of the Section some of the statistical data which represent the pauperism and mortality during the six months ended at Midsummer last, in the cotton districts of Lancashire and Cheshire, is the object of the present. communication. No attempt has been made in it to explicate those involved and complex causes which find their most significant numerical exponents in the mortality tables of the Registrar-General. The distress which has fallen upon the operatives of the cotton districts has not ceased, but is apparently deepening as the winter approaches. It would be futile to attempt anything like a satisfactory analysis of the phenomena before they cease, and while we are, therefore, necessarily ignorant of the extent and character of their ultimate development. Beyond this, it is essential to a scientific elucidation of the connexion which exists between distress and mortality in any place that the investigator possess both hygienic and local knowledge of the district under review-qualifications usually looked for in active and intelligent local officers of health. Though the writer can throw no light, by the aid of those qualifications, upon the facts hereafter noticed, he hopes that at the present time the important social questions which are involved in these statistics will constitute a sufficient claim upon the attention of the Section. 2. It is too well known that when the labouring classes suffer from a collapse in trade or manufactures, the immediate effects upon very considerable numbers are a deprivation of the comforts and a diminution of the necessaries of life, with increased sickness and mortality following in the wake. Then pauperism emerges among families where, in prosperous times, it was never known, and becomes, under ordinary circumstances, not only the index, but the measure of distress. Pauperism, though it may indicate, ceases to measure distress when thousands are thrown out of their usual employment by the paralysis of a vast industry like the cotton trade of Lancashire. The lower and less thrifty class of operatives soon come upon the rates; the more provident and respectable families, after exhausting their means, keep off the rates till the last moment, or eke out their means by the aid of private charity, and so contrive for a time to avoid the pauper-roll. The distress, or rather the destitution, would be accurately measured if we knew the numbers aided by private charity, in addition to those who are relieved from the poor-rates. This, however, does not contemplate the deprivations which those labourers, who have honourably striven to live independently of charity, undergo in every form, before they reach that point where all their own resources are exhausted. 3. Lancashire, during the last fifteen years, has been thrice visited with distress. In the year 1846-7 the expenditure for the relief to the poor throughout the country rose over the average of the three preceding years by £261,363, or by 83 per cent. At the same time the deaths in the year increased over the average of the three previous years by 18,181, or 36 per cent. In the autumn of 1857 the district was suffering from the effects of what was frequently termed the "American crisis;" and the distress continued to the midsummer following. The distress, as measured by the increase of pauperism, can, in respect of this period, be exhibited for the twenty-one unions of Lancashire and Cheshire, which contain the principal cotton manufacturing population of the kingdom. During the nine months ended at Midsummer 1858, the deaths in those unions rose 119 per cent. The numbers for each quarter are stated below, viz. :— |