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in the W. part of the island agrees very well with the supposition that its site was on the spot now called Haghio Kyrko. This place occupies a small hollow of the hills facing the sea, like a theatre. Near the church of the Panaghia are what appear to be vestiges of an ancient temple, consisting of granite columns, and white marble fragments, architraves, and pediments. have been another temple, and a theatre. The tombs Further on, appears to are on the SW. side of the plain. They are worked independent of the rock, with arched roofs. There are perhaps fifty of them. (Pashley, Trav. vol. ii. p. 88; Mus. Class. Ant. vol. ii. p. 298.)

Of all the towns which existed on this part of the coast, Lissus alone seems to have struck coins, a fact which agrees very well with the evidence supplied by its situation, of its having been a place of some trading importance. The harbour is mentioned by Scylax (p. 18), and the types of the coins are either maritime, or indicative of the worship of Dictynna, as might have been expected on this part of the island The obverse of one coin bears the impress of the caps and stars of the Dioscuri, and its reverse a quiver and arrow. On the second coin the caps and stars are replaced by a dolphin, and instead of the quiver a female head, probably that of Artemis or Dictynna. (Comp. Eckhel, vol. ii. p. 315.)

LISSUS (Alaros, Strab. vii. p. 316; Ptol. ii. 16. [E. B. J.] § 5; Steph. B.; Hierocles; Peut. Tab.), a town of Illyricum, at the mouth of the river Drilo. Dionysius the elder, in his schemes for establishing settlements among the Illyrian tribes, founded Lissus. (Diod. xv. 13.) It was afterwards in the hands of the Illyrians, who, after they had been defeated by the Romans, retained this port, beyond which their vessels were not allowed to sail. (Polyb. ii. 12.) B. C. 211, Philip of Macedon, having surprised the citadel Acrolissus, compelled the town to surrender. (Polyb. viii. 15.) Gentius, the Illyrian king, collected his forces here for the war against Rome. (Liv. xliv. 30.) A body of Roman citizens was stationed there by Caesar (B. C. iii. 26—29) to defend the town; and Pliny (iii. 26), who says that it was 100 M. P. from Epidaurus, describes it as "oppidum 'civium Romanorum." Constantine Porphyrogeneta (de Adm. Imp. c. 30) calls it 'Exorós, and it now bears the name of Lesch. (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 477; Schafarik, Slav. Alt. vol. ii. p. 275.) LISTA (Alora), a very ancient city of Central [E. B J.] Italy, which, according to Varro (ap. Dion. Hal. i. 14), was the metropolis of the Aborigines, when that people still dwelt in the mountain valleys around Reate. It was surprised by the Sabines by a night attack from Amiternum; and the inhabitants took refuge in Reate, from whence they made several fruitless attempts to recover possession of their city; but failing in this, they declared it, with the surrounding territory, sacred to the gods, and imprecated curses on all who should occupy it. This circumstance probably accounts for the absence of all other mention of it; though it would seem that its ruins still remained in the time of Varro, or at least that its site was clearly known. This has been in modern times a subject of much dispute. According to the present text of Dionysius, it was situated 24 stadia from Tiora, the ruins of which are probably those at Castore near Sta. Anatolia, in the upper valley of the Salto, 36 miles from Rieti. Bunsen accordingly places it at Sta. Anatolia itself,

LITANOBRIGA.

197

where there are some remains of an ancient city. miles from Reate itself, on the road from thence to But Holstenius long ago pointed out a site about 3 Civita Ducale, still called Monte di Lesta, where there still exist, according to a local antiquarian, Martelli, and Sir W. Gell, the remains of an ancient city, with walls of polygonal construction, and a these ruins would certainly be a more probable posisite of considerable strength. The situation of tion for the capital of the Aborigines than one so far removed as Sta. Anatolia from their other settlements, and would accord better with the natural which must have been by the pass of Antrodoco line of advance of the Sabines from Amiternum, understand the distance of 24 stadia (3 miles), as and the valley of the Velino. In this case we must stated by Dionysius (or rather by Varro, whom he cites), as having reference to Reate itself, not to Ann. d. Inst. Arch. vol. vi. p. 137; Gell's TopoTiora. (Bunsen, Antichi Stabilimenti Italici, in graphy of Rome, p. 472; Holsten. Not. in Cluver. p. 114.) [E. H. B.]

LISTRON (ATPŵv), a place in Epirus Nova, mentioned by Hierocles with a fortress ALISTRUS ('AXíoτpos, Procop. de Aed. iv. 4). It is probably represented by the village and castle of Klisúra, situated on the river Aous (Viosa), which is menAnna Comnena, xiii. p. 390) in the fourteenth tioned by Cantacuzenus (Kλetσoûpa, ii. 32; comp. century, together with other places which are still to be recognised as having been the chief strong-holds in this part of Greece. [Aous.] (Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 383.) [E. B. J.]

LITA'BRUM. [VACCAEI].

Boians in Gallia Cispadana, memorable for the deLITANA SILVA, a forest in the territory of the feat of the Roman consul L. Postumius, in B. C. 216. On this disastrous occasion the consul himself perished, with his whole army, consisting of two Roman legions, augmented by auxiliaries to the amount of 25,000 men. (Liv. xxiii. 24; Frontin. Strat. i. 6. § 4.) At a later period it witnessed, on the other hand, a defeat of the Boians by the Roman consul L. Valerius Flaccus, B. c. 195. (Liv. xxxiv. 22.) The forest in question appears to have been situated somewhere between Bononia and Placentia, but its name is never mentioned after the reduction of Cisalpine Gaul, and its exact site cannot be determined. It is probable, indeed, that the marshy ground on the banks of the Padus was a great part of the tract between the Apennines and at this time covered with forest. tonine Itin. between Caesaromagus (Beauvais) and LITANOBRIGA, in Gallia, is placed by the An[E. H. B.] Augustomagus, which D'Anville supposes to be Senlis. According to his reading, the Itin. makes it xviii. Gallic leagues from Caesaromagus to Litanobriga, and iiii. from Litanobriga to Augustomagus. Walckenaer (Géog. &c., vol. iii. p. 55) makes the first distance xvi., and the second iiii.; and he places Caesaromagus at Verberie, near the river Autone. The Table mentions no place between Caesaromagus xxii. We may assume that Litanobriga was situand Augustomagus, but it makes the whole distance ated at a ford or bridge over a river, and this river is the Oise. D'Anville first thought that Litanobriga might be Pont-Sainte-Maxence, for a Roman road from Beauvais, called Brunehaut, passes by Clermont, and joins a road from Pont-Sainte-Maxence. But the numbers in the Itins. fall short of the distance between Beauvais and Senlis; and accordingly

D'Anville gave up Pont-Sainte-Maxence, and fixed |
Litanobriga at Creil on the Oise, and along this line
the distances of the Table agree pretty well with the
real distances. Walckenaer fixes Litanobriga at Pont-
Sainte-Maxence. The solution of this difficulty de-
pends on the position of Augustomagus; or if we are
content with the evidence for fixing Litanobriga at
Pont Sainte-Maxence, we cannot place Augusto-
magus at Senlis. [AUGUSTOMAGUS.] [G. L.]
LITERNUM (AiTepvov, Strab.; AeíTepvov,
Ptol. Eth. Literninus: Tor di Patria), a town on
the sea-coast of Campania, between the mouth of
the Vulturnus and Cumae.* It was situated at the
mouth of a river of the same name (Strab. v. p. 243:
Liv. xxxii. 29), which assumed a stagnant cha-
racter as it approached the sea, so as to form a con-
siderable marshy pool or lagoon, called the LITERNA
PALUS (Sil. Ital. vii. 278; Stat. Silv. iv. 3. 66),
and bordered on either side by more extensive
marshes. It is not quite clear whether there was a
town there at all before the establishment of the
Roman colony: Livy's expression (. c.) that that
colony was sent "ad ostia Literni fluminis," would
seem to imply the contrary; and though the name
of Liternum is mentioned in the Second Punic War,
it is in a manner that does not clearly prove there
was then a town there. (Liv. xxiii. 35.) But the
notice in Festus (v. Praefecturae), who mentions
Liternum, with Capua, Cumae, and other Campa-
nian towns, among the Praefecturae, must probably
refer to a period earlier than the Roman settlement.

It was not till the year B. C. 194 that a colony
of Roman citizens was settled at Liternum at the
same time with one at Vulturnum; they were both
of the class called "coloniae maritimae civium," but
were not numerous, only 300 colonists being sent to
each. (Liv. xxxii. 29, xxxiv. 45.) The situation
of Liternum also was badly chosen the marshy
character of the neighbourhood rendered it unhealthy,
while the adjoining tract on the sea-coast was sandy
and barren; hence, it never seems to have risen to be
a place of any importance, and is chiefly noted from
the circumstance that it was the place which Scipio
Africanus chose for his retirement, when he with-
drew in disgust from public life, and where he
ended his days in a kind of voluntary exile. (Liv. |
xxxviii. 52, 53; Seneca, Ep. 86; Val. Max. v. 3.
§ 1; Oros. iv. 20.) At a later period, however,
Augustus settled a fresh colony at Liternum (Lib.
Colon. p. 235), and the construction by Domitian of
the road leading along the sea-coast from Sinuessa to
Cumae must have tended to render it more frequented.
But it evidently never rose to be a considerable
place under the Roman Empire its name is men-
tioned only by the geographers, and in the Itine-
raries in connection with the Via Domitiana already
noticed. (Strab. v. p. 243; Mel. ii. 4. § 9; Plin.
iii. 5. s. 9; Ptol. iii. 1. § 6; Itin. Ant. p. 122;
Tab. Peut.) We learn, however, that it still existed
as a "civitas" as late as the reign of Valentinian II.
(Symmach. Ep. vi. 5); and it was probably destroyed
by the Vandals in the fifth century.

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The villa of Scipio, where he spent the latter

* The name is written in many MSS. LINTERNUM, and it is difficult, in the absence of inscriptions, to say which form is really the more correct; but LITERNUM seems to be supported, on the whole, by the best MSS., as well as by the Greek form of the name as found both in Strabo and Ptolemy. (Tzschucke, ad Mel. ii. 4. § 9.)

years of his life, was still extant in the days of Seneca, who has left us a detailed description of it, and strongly contrasts the simplicity of its arrangements with the luxury and splendour of those of his own time. (Ep. 86.) Pliny also tells us, that some of the olive trees and myrtles planted by the hands of Scipio himself were still visible there. (Plin. xvi. 44. s. 85.) It is certain that his tomb also was shown at Liternum in the days of Strabo and Livy, though it would appear that there was great doubt whether he was really buried there. The well-known epitaph which, according to Valerius Maximus, he caused to be engraved on his tomb,“Ingrata patria, ne ossa quidem mea habes,”—could certainly not have been extant in the time of Seneca, who treats the question as one of mere conjecture, though he inclines to the belief that Africanus was really buried there, and not in the tomb of the Scipios at Rome. (Seneca, I. c.; Val. Max. v. 3. § 1; Strab. I. c.; Liv. xxxviii. 56.)

The site of Liternum is now marked by a watchtower called Tor di Patria, and a miserable village of the same name; the adjoining Lago di Patria is unquestionably the Literna Palus, and hence the river Liternus can be no other than the small and sluggish stream which forms the outlet of this lake to the sea. At the present day the Lago di Patria communicates with the river Clanius or Lagno, and is formed by one of the arms of that stream. It is not improbable that this was the case in ancient times also, for we have no account of the mouth of the Clanius, while the Liternus is mentioned only in connection with the town at its mouth. [CLANIUS.] The modern name of Patria must certainly have been derived from some tradition of the epitaph of Scipio already noticed, though we cannot explain the mode in which it arose; but the name may be traced back as far as the eighth century. There are scarcely any ruins on the site of Liternum, but the remains of the ancient bridge by which the Via Domitiana here crossed the river are still extant, and the road itself may be traced from thence the whole way to Cumae. [E. H. B.]

LITHRUS (Ai@pos), the name of the northern branch of Mount Paryadres in Pontus, which, together with Mount Ophelimus in the north-west of Amasia, enclosed the extensive and fertile plain of Phanaroea. (Strab. xii. p. 556.) Hamilton (Researches, vol. i. p. 349) believes that these two ancient hills answer to the modern Kemer Dagh and Oktap Dagh. [L. S.]

LIVIANA, in Gallia Narbonensis, is placed by
the Table and the Jerusalem Itin. between Carcaso
(Carcassonne) and Narbo (Narbonne). It is the next
station to Carcaso, and xii. from it: the station that
follows Liviana is Usuerva, or Usuerna, or Hosuerba.
The site is uncertain.
[G. L.]

LIX, LIXUS. [MAURETANIA].
LIZIZIS. [AZIZIS.]

LOBETA'NI (Awenтavol), one of the lesser
peoples in the NE. part of Hispania Tarraconensis.
Their position was SE. of the CELTIBERI, and N. of
the BASTETANI, in the SW. of Arragon. The only
city mentioned as belonging to them was LOBETUM
(Aw67тov), which D'Anville identifies with Requena,
but Ukert with Albarracin. (Ptol. ii. 6. § 60; Coins
ap. Sestini, p. 169; Ukert, vol. ii. pt. 1, pp 322,
464.)
[P. S.]

LOBE'TUM. [LOBETANI.]
LOCORITUM (AOкópiтov), a town on the river
Main in Germany, and probably the same as the

modern Lohr. (Ptol. ii. 11. § 29.) Its name seems
to be of Celtic origin. (Comp. Steiner, Das Main-
gebiet, p. 125.)
LOCRAS. [CORSICA, p. 691, a.]
[L. S]
LOCRI EPICNEMI'DII, OPU'NTII. [LOCRIS.]
LOCRI OʻZOLAE. [LOCRIS.]

LOCRI.

199 first event in its anuals that has been transmitted to formation concerning the early history of Locri. The us, and one of those to which it owes its chief celeto be the most ancient written code of laws that had brity, is the legislation of Zaleucus. This was said tory of Zaleucus himself was involved in great obbeen given to any Greek state; and though the hisscurity, and mixed up with much of fable [ZALEUcus, Biogr. Dict.], there is certainly no doubt that the Locrians possessed a written code, which passed under his name, and which continued down to a late period to be in force in their city. Even in the days of Pindar and of Demosthenes, Locri was regarded as a model of good government and order; and its inhabitants were distinguished for their adherence to established laws and their aversion to all innovation. (Pind. Ol. x. 17; Schol. ad loc.; Strab. vi. p. 260; Demosth. adv. Timocrat. p. 743; Diod. xii. 20, 21.)

be determined with certainty: but the date given by The period of the legislation of Zaleucus cannot Eusebius of Ol. 30, or B. c. 660, may be received Clinton, vol. i. p. 193.) Of its principles we know but as approximately correct. (Euseb. Arm. p. 105; little; and the quotations from his laws, even if we could depend upon their authenticity, have no reference to the political institutions of the state. It appears, however, that the government of Locri was called the Hundred Houses, enjoyed superior privian aristocracy, in which certain select families, leges: these were considered to be derived from the original settlers, and in accordance with the legend concerning their origin, were regarded as deriving their nobility from the female side. (Pol. xii. 5.)

LOCRI (Aоkроí), sometimes called, for distinction's sake, LOCRI EPIZEPHY'RII (Aокpоí 'EmiÇeúpio, Thuc. vii. 1; Pind. Ol. xi.15; Strab.; Steph. B.: Eth. Aokpós, Locrensis: Ruins near Gerace), a city on the SE. coast of the Bruttian peninsula, not far from its southern extremity, and one of the most celebrated of the Greek colonies in this part of Italy. It was a colony, as its name obviously implies, of the Locrians in Greece, but there is much discrepancy as to the tribe of that nation from which it derived its origin. Strabo affirms that it was founded by the Locri Ozolac, under a leader named Euanthes, and censures Ephorus for ascribing it to the Locri Opuntii; but this last opinion seems to have been the one generally prevalent. Scymnus Chius mentions both opinions, but seems to incline to the latter; and it is adopted without question by Pausanias, as well as by the poets and later Latin authors, whence we may probably infer that it was the tradition adopted by the Locrians themselves. (Strab. vi. p. 259; Scymn. Ch. 313-317; Paus. iii. 19. § 12; Virg. Aen. iii. 399.) Unfortunately Polybius, who had informed himself particularly as to the history and institutions of the Locrians, does not give any statement upon this point. But we learn from him that the origin of the colony was ascribed by the tradition current among the Locrians themselves, and sanctioned by the authority of Aristotle, to a body of fugitive slaves, who had carried off their mistresses, with whom they had previously carried on an ilThe next event in the history of Locri, of which licit intercourse. (Pol. xii. 5, 6, 10-12.) The Sagras, in which it was said that a force of 10,000 we have any account, the memorable battle of the same story is alluded to by Dionysius Periegetes Locrians, with a small body of auxiliaries from (365-367). Pausanias would seem to refer to a Rhegium, totally defeated an army of 130,000 Crowholly different tale where he says that the Lace-toniats, with vast slaughter. (Strab. vi. p. 261; daemonians sent a colony to the Epizephyrian Locri, at the same time with one to Crotona. (Paus. iii. 3. § 1.) These were, however, in both cases, probably only additional bands of colonists, as Lacedaemon was never regarded as the founder of either city. The date of the foundation of Locri is equally uncertain. Strabo (1. c.) places it a little after that of Crotona and Syracuse, which he regarded as nearly contemporary, but he is probably mistaken in this last opinion. [CROTONA.] Eusebius, on the contrary, brings it down to so late a date as B. C. 673 (or, according to Hieronymus, 683); but there seems good reason to believe that this is much too late, and we may venture to adopt Strabo's statement that it was founded soon after Crotona, if the latter be placed about 710 B. C. (Euseb. Arm. p. 105; Clinton F. H. vol. i. p. 186, vol. ii. p. 410.) The traditions adopted by Aristotle and Polybius represented the first settlers as gaining possession of the soil from the native Oenotrians (whom they called Siculi), by a fraud not unlike those related in many similar legends. (Pol. xii. 6.) The fact stated by Strabo that they first established themselves on Cape Zephyrium (Capo di Bruzzano), and subsequently removed from thence to the site which they ultimately occupied, about 15 miles further N., is supported by the evidence of their distinctive appellation, and may be depended on as accurate. (Strab. 1. c.)

As in the case of most of the other Greek colonies in Italy, we have very scanty and imperfect in

Cic. de N. D. ii. 2; Justin. xx. 2, 3.) The extraordinary character of this victory, and the exag gerated and fabulous accounts of it which appear to have been circulated, rendered it proverbial among the Greeks (aλnbéotepa tŵv ènì Záypa, Suid. s. v.) in history, its date being extremely uncertain, some Yet we have no means of assigning its correct place accounts placing it after the fall of Sybaris (B. C. 510), while others would carry it back nearly 50 years earlier. [CROTONA.]

The small number of troops which the Locrians occasion, as compared with those of Crotona, would are represented as bringing into the field upon this seem to prove that the city was not at this time a to compare with the great republics of Sybaris and very powerful one; at least it is clear that it was not Crotona. But it seems to have been in a flourishing condition; and it must in all probability be to this period that we must refer the establishment of its colonies of Hipponium and Medma, on the opposite side of the Bruttian peninsula. (Seyinn. Ch.. 308; Strab. vi. p. 256.) Locri is mentioned by Herodotus in B. c. 493, when the Samian colonists, who were on their way to Sicily, touched there (Herod. vi. 23); and it appears to have been in a state of great prosperity when its praises were sung by Pindar, in B. C. 484. (Pind. Ol. x., xi.) The Locrians, from their position, were naturally led to maintain a close with Syracuse, their friendship with which would connection with the Greek cities of Sicily, especially seem to have dated, according to some accounts,

from the period of their very foundation. (Strab. vi. | p. 259.) On the other hand, they were almost constantly on terms of hostility with their neighbours of Rhegium, and, during the rule of Anaxilas, in the latter city, were threatened with complete destruction by that despot, from which they were saved by the intervention of Hieron of Syracuse. (Pind. Pyth. ii. 35; and Schol. ad loc.) In like manner we find them, at the period of the Athenian expeditions to Sicily, in close alliance with Syracuse, and on terms of open enmity with Rhegium. Hence they at first engaged in actual hostilities with the Athenians under Laches; and though they subsequently concluded a treaty of peace with them, they still refused to admit the great Athenian armament, in B.C. 415, even to anchor on their coasts. (Thuc. iii. 99, 115, iv. 1, 24, v. 5, vi. 44, vii. 1; Diod. xii. 54, xiii. 3.) At a later period of the Peloponnesian War they were among the few Italian cities that sent auxiliary ships to the Lacedaemonians. (Thuc. viii. 91.)

During the reign of the elder Dionysius at Syracuse, the bonds of amity between the two cities were strengthened by the personal alliance of that monarch, who married Doris, the daughter of Xenetus, one of the most eminent of the citizens of Locri. (Diod. xiv. 44.) He subsequently adhered steadfastly to this alliance, which secured him a footing in Italy, from which he derived great advantage in his wars against the Rhegians and other states of Magna Graecia. In return for this, as well as to secure the continuance of their support, he conferred great benefits upon the Locrians, to whom he gave the whole territory of Caulonia, after the destruction of that city in B.C. 389; to which he added that of Hipponium in the following year, and a part of that of Scylletium. (Diod. xiv. 100, 106, 107; Strab. p. 261.) Hipponium was, however, again wrested from them by the Carthaginians in B. C. 379. (Id. xv. 24.) The same intimate relations with Syracuse continued under the younger Dionysius, when they became the source of great misfortunes to the city for that despot, after his expulsion from Syracuse (B.c. 356), withdrew to Locri, where he seized on the citadel, and established himself in the possession of despotic power. His rule here is described as extremely arbitrary and oppressive, and stained at once by the most excessive avarice and unbridled licentiousness. At length, after a period of six years, the Locrians took advantage of the absence of Dionysius, and drove out his garrison; while they exercised a cruel vengeance upon his unfortunate wife and daughters, who had fallen into their hands. (Justin, xxi. 2, 3; Strab. vi. p. 259; Arist. Pol. v. 7; Clearch. ap. Athen. xii. 541.)

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The Locrians are said to have suffered severely from the oppressions of this tyrant; but it is probable that they sustained still greater injury from the increasing power of the Bruttians, who were now become most formidable neighbours to all the Greek cities in this part of Italy. The Locrians never appear to have fallen under the yoke of the barbarians, but it is certain that their city declined greatly from its former prosperity. It is not again mentioned till the wars of Pyrrhus. At that period it appears that Locri, as well as Rhegium and other Greek cities, had placed itself under the protection of Rome, and even admitted a Roman garrison into its walls. On the approach of Pyrrhus they expelled this garrison, and declared themselves in favour of that monarch (Justin, xviii. 1); but they had soon cause to regret the change: for the

garrison left there by the king, during his absence in Sicily, conducted itself so ill, that the Locrians rose against them and expelled them from their city. On this account they were severely punished by Pyrrhus on his return from Sicily; and, not content with exactions from the inhabitants, he carried off a great part of the sacred treasures from the temple of Proserpine, the most celebrated sanctuary at Locri. A violent storm is said to have punished his impiety, and compelled him to restore the treasures. (Appian, Samn. iii. 12; Liv. xxix. 18; Val. Max. i. 1, Ext. § 1.)

After the departure of Pyrrhus, the Locrians seem to have submitted again to Rome, and continued so till the Second Punic War, when they were among the states that threw off the Roman alliance and declared in favour of the Carthaginians, after the battle of Cannae, B.C. 216. (Liv. xxii. 61, xxiii. 30.) They soon after received a Carthaginian force within their walls, though at the same time their liberties were guaranteed by a treaty of alliance on equal terms. (Liv. xxiv. 1.) When the fortune of the war began to turn against Carthage, Locri was besieged by the Roman consul Crispinus, but without success; and the approach of Hannibal compelled him to raise the siege, B. c. 208. (Id. xxvii. 25, 28.) It was not till B. C. 205, that Scipio, when on the point of sailing for Africa, was enabled, by the treachery of some of the citizens, to surprise one of the forts which commanded the town; an advantage that soon led to the surrender of the other citadel and the city itself. (Id. xxix. 6-8.) Scipio confided the charge of the city and the command of the garrison to his legate, Q. Pleminius; but that officer conducted himself with such cruelty and rapacity towards the unfortunate Locrians, that they rose in tumult against him, and a violent sedition took place, which was only appeased by the intervention of Scipio himself. That general, however, took the part of Pleminius, whom he continued in his command; and the Locrians were exposed anew to his exactions and cruelties, till they at length took courage to appeal to the Roman senate. Notwithstanding vehement opposition on the part of the friends of Scipio, the senate pronounced in favour of the Locrians, condemned Pleminius, and restored to the Locrians their liberty and the enjoyment of their own laws. (Liv. xxix. 8, 16— 22; Diod. xxvii. 4; Appian, Annib, 55.) Pleminius had, on this occasion, followed the example of Pyrrhus in plundering the temple of Proserpine; but the senate caused restitution to be made, and the impiety to be expiated at the public cost. (Diod. l. c.)

From this time we hear little of Locri. Notwithstanding the privileged condition conceded to it by the senate, it seems to have sunk into a very subordinate position. Polybius, however, speaks of it as in his day still a considerable town, which was bound by treaty to furnish a certain amount of naval auxiliaries to the Romans. (Pol. xii. 5.) The Locrians were under particular obligations to that historian (b.); and at a later period we find them enjoying the special patronage of Cicero (Cic. de Leg. ii. 6), but we do not know the origin of their connection with the great orator. From Strabo's account it is obvious that Locri still subsisted as a town in his day, and it is noticed in like manner by Pliny and Ptolemy (Strab. vi. p. 259; Plin. iii. 5. s. 10; Ptol. iii. 1. § 10). Its name is not found in the Itineraries, though they describe this coast in con

siderable detail; but Procopius seems to attest its continued existence in the 6th century (B. G. i. 15), and it is probable that it owed its complete destruction to the Saracens. Its very name was forgotten in the middle ages, and its site became a matter of dispute. This has however been completely established by the researches of modern travellers, who have found the remains of the ancient city on the sea-coast, near the modern town of Gerace. (Cluver, Ital. p. 1301; Romanelli, vol. i. p. 152; Cramer, vol. ii. p. 411; Riedesel, Voyage dans la Grande Grèce, p. 148.)

The few ruins that till remain have been carefully examined and described by the Duc de Luynes. (Ann. d. Inst. Arch. vol. ii. pp. 3-12.) The site of the ancient city, which may be distinctly traced by the vestiges of the walls, occupied a space of near two miles in length, by less than a mile in breadth, extending from the sea-coast at Torre di Gerace (on the left bank of a small stream called the Fiume di S. Ilario), to the first heights or ridges of the Apennines. It is evidently to these heights that Strabo gives the name of Mount Esopis ('Erris), on which he places the first foundation of the city. (Strab. vi. p. 259.) The same heights are separated by deep ravines, so as to constitute two separate summits, both of them retaining the traces of ancient fortifications, and evidently the ". two citadels not far distant from each other" noticed by Livy in his account of the capture of the city by Scipio. (Liv. xxix. 6.) The city extended from hence down the slopes of the hills towards the sea, and had unquestionably its port at the mouth of the little river S. Ilario, though there could never have been a harbour there in the modern sense of the term. Numerous fragments of ancient masonry are scattered over the site, but the only distinct vestiges of any ancient edifice are those of a Doric temple, of which the basement alone now remains, but several columns were standing down to a recent period. It is occupied by a farm-house, called the Casino dell' Imperatore, about a mile from the sea, and appears to have stood without the ancient walls, so that it is not improbable the ruins may be the remains of the celebrated temple of Proserpine, which we know to have occupied a similar position. (Liv. xxix. 18.) The ruins of Locri are about five miles distant from the modern town of Gerace, which was previously supposed to occupy the site of the ancient city (Cluver, L. c.; Barr. de Sit. Calabr. iii. 7), and 15 miles from the Capo di Bruzzano, the Zephyrian promontory.

The Locrians are celebrated by Pindar (Ol. x. 18, xi. 19) for their devotion to the Muses as well as for their skill and courage in war. In accordance with this character we find mention of Xenocritus and Erasippus, both of them natives of Locri, as poets of some note; the lyric poetess Theano was probably also a native of the Epizephyrian Locri. (Schol. ad Pind. Ol. xi. 17; Boeckh, ad Ol. x. p. 197.) The Pythagorean philosophy also was warmly taken up and cultivated there, though the authorities had refused to admit any of the political innovations of that philosopher. (Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 56.) But among his followers and disciples several were natives of Locri (Iambl. Vit. Pyth. 267), the most eminent of whom were Timaeus, Echecrates, and Acrion, from whom Plato is said to have imbibed his knowledge of the Pythagorean tenets. (Cic. de Fin. v. 29.) Nor was the cultivation of other arts neglected. Eunomus, a Locrian citizen, was cele

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brated for his skill on the cithara; and the athlete Euthymus of Locri, who gained several prizes at Olympia, was scarcely less renowned than Milo of Crotona. (Strab. vi. pp. 255, 260; Paus. vi. 6. §§ 4-11.)

The territory of Locri, during the flourishing period of the city, was certainly of considerable extent. Its great augmentation by Dionysius of Syracuse has been already mentioned. But previous to that time, it was separated from that of Rhegium on the SW. by the river Halex or Alice, while its northern limit towards Caulonia was probably the Sagras, generally identified with the Alaro. The river Buthrotus of Livy (xxix. 7), which appears to have been but a short distance from the town, was probably the Novito, about six miles to the N. Thucydides mentions two other colonies of Locri (besides Hipponium and Medma already noticed), to which he gives the names of Itone and Melae, but no other trace is found of either the one or the other. (Thuc. v. 5.) [E. H. B.]

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LOCRIS (Aokpis: Eth. Aokpoi; in Latin also Locri, but sometimes Locrenses). The Locri were an ancient people in Greece, and were said to have been descended from the Leleges. This was the opinion of Aristotle; and other writers supposed the name of the Locrians to be derived from Locrus, an ancient king of the Leleges. (Aristot.; Hes. ap. Strab. vii. p. 322; Scymnus Ch. 590; Dicaearch. 71; Plin. iv. 7. s. 12.) The Locrians, however, must at a very early period have become intermingled with the Hellenes. In the Homeric poems they always appear as Hellenes; and, according to some traditions, even Deucalion, the founder of the Hellenic race, is said to have lived in the Locrian town of Opus or Cynus. (Pind. Ol. ix. 63, seq.; Strab. ix. p. 425.) In historical times the Locrians were divided into two distinct tribes, differing from one another in customs, habits, and civilisation. Of these the eastern Locrians, called the Opuntii and Epicnemidii, dwelt upon the eastern coast of Greece, opposite the island of Euboea; while the western Locrians dwelt upon the Corinthian gulf, and were separated from the former by Mount Parnassus and the whole of Doris and Phocis. (Strab. ix. p. 425.) The eastern Locrians are alone mentioned by Homer; they were the more ancient and the more civilised: the western Locrians, who are said to have been a colony of the former, are not mentioned in history till the time of the Peloponnesian War, and are even then represented as a semi-barbarous people. (Thuc. i. 5.) We may conjecture that the Locrians at one time extended from sea to sea, and were torn asunder by the immigration of the Phocians and Dorians. (Niebuhr, Lectures on Ancient Ethnography, vol. i. p. 123.)

1. LOCKI EPICNEMIDII and OPUNTII ('ETIKnuidior, 'Onouvτio), inhabited a narrow slip upon the eastern coast of Greece, from the pass of Thermopylae to the mouth of the river Cephissus.

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