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forent rare and origin from those by which they were surrounded. This strongly marked diatinctness from theother Italian races appears to have been recognised both by Roman and Greek writers. Dionysius even affirms that the Etruscans did not resemble, either in language or manners, any other people whatsoever (Dionys. i. 30); and, however we may qumtion the generality of this assertion, the fact in regard to their language seems to be borne out by the still existing remains of it. The various theories that have been proposed concerning their origin, and the views of modern philologers in regard to their language,“ more fully discussed under the article Eruunu. It may suffice here to state that two points may be considered as fairly established:— I. That a considerable part of the population of I'Itruria, and especially of the more southern portions of that country, was (as already mentioned) of Pa. lugie extraction, and continued to speak a dialect closely akin to the Greek. 2. That, besides this, there existed in Etruria a people (probably a conquering race) of wholly difl'erent origin, who were the proper Etruscans or 'l‘uscans, but who called theniselvm herons; and that this race was wholly distinct from the other nations of Central Italy. As to the ethnical affinities of this pure Etruscan moe, we are almost as much in the dark as was Dionysius; but recent philological inquiries appear to have established the fact that it may be referred to the same great family of the Indo-Teutonic nations, though widely separated from all the other branches of that family which we find settled in llaiy. There are not wanting, indeed, evidences of many points of contact and similarity, with the Umhrians on the one hand and the Pelnsgians on the other; but it is probable that these are no more than would naturally result. fmm their close just» position, and that mixture of the different racm which had certainly taken place to a. large extent before the period from which all our extant monuments are derived. It may, indeed, reasonably be assumed, that the Umbriaus, who appear to have been at one time in possession of the greater part, if not the whole, of Etrurin, Would never be altogether flpelled, and that there must always have remained, especially in the N. and E., a subject population of Umbrian race, as there was in the more southern districts of I’claegian.

The statement of Livy, which represents the lthaetians as of the same race with the Etruscans ("-33), even if its accuracy be admitted, throws but little light on the national aflinities of the latter; for we ltnow, in fact, nothing of the Bhaetiaus, either as to their language or origin.

It only remains to advert briefly to the several branches of the population of Northern Italy. Of "1'89. by far the most numerous and important were "16 Gulls, who gave to the whole basin ot. the Po the name of Gallia Cisalpina. They were universally admitted to be of the same race with the Gaula who inhabited the countries beyond the Alps, and their "Ill-“film and settlement in Italy were reform! by the Roman historians to a comparatively recent period. The history of these is fully given under (iALlJA CIBALPIHA. Adjoining the Gauls on the SW, both slopes of the Apcnnines, as well as of the Maritime Alps and a part of the plain of the Po, "r8 occupied by the Montana, a people as to “hm national affinities we are almost wholly in the dzlll- [Ltounta.] It is certain, however, from W punitive antimony of ancient writers, that they

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were a dirtlIlCl. race from the Cauls (Strab. ii. p. 128), and there seems no doubt that they were established in Northern Italy long before the Gallic invasion. Nor were they by any means confined to the part of Italy which ultimately retained their name. At a very early period we learn that they occupied the whole coast of the Mediterranean, from the foot of the Pyrenees to the frontil-is of Etruria, and the Greek writers uniformly speak of the people who occupied the neighbourhood of lilassilia, or the modern Provence, as Liguriaus, and not Gauls. (Strah. iv. p. 203.) At the same period, it is probable that they were more widely spread also in the basin of the Po than we find them when they appear in Roman history. At that time the Taurini, at the foot of the Cottian Alps, were the most northern of the Lignrian tribes; while S. of the Padus they extended probably as far as the Trebia. Along the shores~ of the Mediterranean they possessed in the time of I’olybius the whole country as far as Pisae and the mouths of the Arnus, while they held the fastnesses of the Apenniues as far to the E. as the frontiers of the Arretine territory. (l’ol. ii. 16.) It was not. till a later period that the Macra became the established boundary between the Roman province of Liguria and that of Etruria.

Bordering on the Gauls on the F.., and separated from them by the river Athesis (Adige), were the Vast-:11, a people of whom we are distinctly told that their language was diti'erent from that of the Gauln (l’ol. ii. I7), but of whom, as of the Ligurians, we know mther what they were not, than what they were. The most probable hypothesis is, that they were an Illyrian race (Zeuss, Die Deulscllen, p. 25] ), and there is good reason for referring their neighbours the Is'rntaxs to the some stock. On the other hand, the CARNI, a mountain tribe in the extreme NE. of Italy, who immediame bordered both on the Venetians and Istrians, were more probably a Celtic race [CARNI].

Another name which we meet with in this part of Italy is that of the Euoanst, a people who had dwindled into insignificance in historical times, but whom Livy describes as once great and powerful, and occupying the whole tracts from the Alps to the sea. (Liv. i. I.) Of their national ailinitia we know nothing. It is Invisible that where Livy speaks of other Alpine rams besides the Rhaetians, as being of common origin with the Etruscans (v, 33), that he had the Euganeans in view; but this is mere conjecture. He certainly seems to have regarded them a distinct both from the Venetiana and Gauls, and as a more ancient people in Italy than either of those races.

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The history of ancient Italy is for the most part inseparany connected with that of Rome, and cannot be considered apart from it. It is impossible here to attempt to give even an outline of that history; but it may be useful to the student to present at one view a brief sketch of the progress of the Roman arms, and the period at which the several nations of Italy successively fell under their yoke, as well as the measures by which they were gradually cortaolidated into one homogeneous whole, in the form that Italy assumed under the rule of Augustus. The few facts known to us concerning the history of the several nations, before their conquest by the Romans, will be found in their respective articles; that of the Greek colonies in Southcm Italy, and their relations with the surrounding tribes, are given under the head of bIAGNA Gnancra.

l. Conquest of Italy by the Romans, 1!. c. 509—264.-—The earliest wars of the Romans with their immediate neighbours scarcely come here under our consideration. Placed on the very frontier of three powerful nations, the infant city was from the very first engaged in perpetual hostilities with the Latins, the Snbines, and the Etruscans. And, however little dependence can be placed upon the details of these wars, as related to us, there seems no doubt that, even under the kings, Home had risen to a superiority over most of her neighbours, and had extended her actual dominion over a considerable part of Latinm. The earliest period of the Republic, on the other hand (from the expulsion of the Tarqnins to the Gnulish invasion, B. 0. 509—390), when stripped of the romantic garb in which it has been clothed by Roman writers, presents the spectacle of a difficult and often dubious struggle, with the Etruscans on the one hand, and the Volsciaus on the other. The capture of Vail, in 3.0. 396, and the penuanent annexation of its territory to that of Rome, was the first decisive advantage acquired by the rising republic, and may be looked upon as the first step to the domination of Italy. Even the great calamity sustained by the Romans, when their city was taken and in part destroyed by the Goals, 1:. c. 890, was so for from permanently checking their progress, that it Would rather seem to have been the means of opening out to them a career of conquest. It is probable that that event, or rather the series of pre. dutory invasions by the Gauls of which it formed a part, gave a serious shock to the nations of Central Italy, and produced among them much disorganisation and consequent weakness. The attention of the Etruscans was naturally drawn otl‘ towards the N., and the Romans were able to establish colonies at Sutrium and Nepete; while the power of the Vol< scians appears to have been greatly cnfeeblcd, and the series of triumphs over them recorded in the Fasti now marks real progress. That of M. Valeriua Corvus, after the destruction of Satricum in n. c. 346 (Liv. vii. 27; ‘ast. Cspit.), seems to indicate the total subjugation of the Volscian people, who never again appear in history as an independent power. Shortly alter this, in n.c. 343, the Romans for the first time came into collision with the Samuitcs. T but people were then undoubtedly at the height 0f their power: they and their kindred Sabellizm tribes had recently extended their conquests over almost the whole southern portion of the peninsula (see above, p. 86); and it cannot be doubted, that when the Romans and Samnites first found themselves opposed in arms, the contest between them was one for the supremacy of Italy. Meanwhile, a still more formidable danger, though of much briefer duration, threatened the rising power of Rome. The revolt of the Latino, who had hitherto been among the main instruments and supports of that power, threatened to shake it to its foundation; and the victory of the Romans at the foot of Mt. Vesuvius, under T. Manlius and P. Decius (rue. 340), was perhaps the most important in their whole history. Three campaigns sutliced to terminate this fonnidable war (11.0. 340—338). The Latins were now reduced from the condition of dependent allies to that of subjects, whether under the name of Roman citiznns or on less favourable terms [LATIL'M]; and the greater part of Uampania was placed in the same condition. .

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At this time, therefore, only seventy years before the First Puuic War, the Roman dominion still comprised only Latium, in the more limited sense of the name (for the Aeqni and Hernici were still inde pendent), together with the southern portof Etruria, the territory of the Volscians, and a part of Carnpania. During the next fifty years, which was the period of the great extension of the Roman arms and influence, the contest between Rome and Samnium was the main point of interest; but almost all the surrounding nations of Italy were gradually drawn in to take part in the struggle. Thus, in the Second Samnite War (11.0. 326—304), the names of the Lueaniaus and Apulians — nations with which (as Livy observes, viii. 25) the Roman people had, up to that period, had nothing to do—appear as taking an active part in the contest. In another partof Italy, the Mars-i, Veslini, and Pcligni, all of them, as we have seen, probably kindred races with the Samnitea. took up arms at one time or another in support of that people, and were thus for the first time brought into collision with Rome. It was not till no. 3“ that the Etruscans on their side joined in the contest: but the Etruscan War at once assumed a character and dimensions scarcely less formidable than that with the Samnites. It was now that the Romans for the first time carried their arms beyond the Ciminiau Hills; and the northern cities of Etrnria, l’erusia, Cortona, and Arretium, new first appear as taking part in the war. [Ernunut] Before the close of the contest, the Umbrians also took up arms for the first time against the Romans. The peace which put an end to the Semnd Suinnite War (a. C. 304) added nothing to the ten'itOrial extent of the Roman power; but nearly contemporary with it, was the revolt of the Hernicans, which ended in the complete subjugation of that people (8.0.306); and a few years later the Aequians, who followed their example, shared the same fate, 5.0. 302About the same time (n. c. 304) a treaty was concluded with the Mann, Marruciui, Peligni, Mid Freutani, by which those nations appear to 111m passed into the condition of dependent allies of Rome, in which we always subsequently find theorA similar treaty was granted to the Vestini 111 n. c. 301.

In is. c. 298, the contest between Rome and Snmninrn was renewed, but in this Third Samniw War the people of that name was only one member of a powerful confedemey, consisting of the Sammth Etniscnna, Ulnbrinns, and Gauls; nevertheless, their united forces were defeated by the Romans, wllt‘h all“ several successful campaigns, compelled both Elmsr cans and Samuites to sue for peace (B. 0. 29d)The same year in which this was concluded wuucssod also the subjugation of the Sabines, who had been so long the faithful allies of Rome, and now appear, for the first time after a long interval. "1 arms: they were admitted to the Roman franchise. (Liv- Epit. xi.; Veil. Pat. i. 14.) The short in— terval which elapsed before hostilities were generally renewed, afliirded an opportunity for the subjugation of the Gnlli Semmes, whose territory was wasted with fire and sword by the consul Unlabella, in 283; and the Roman colony of Sena (Sena Gallica) established there, to secure their permanent suhmiSElOllAlready in n.(:. 282, the‘vvar was renewed both wrth the Etruscsns and the Samnites; but this Fourth Snmnite War, as it is often called, W83 50"" merged in one of n more extensive character. The Samuiles were .1! first assisted by the Luuuwm-~

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and Bruttians, the latter of whom now occur for the first time in Roman history (Liv. Epic xii); but circumstances soon arose which led the Romans to declare war against the 'l'arentines; and these called in the mists-nee of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus. The war with that monarch (the first in which the Romans were engaged with any non-Italian enemy) was at the same time decisive of the fate of the Italian peninsula. It was, indeed, the last struggle of the nations of Southern Italy against the power of Rome: on the side of Pynhus were ranged, besides the Tarentines and their mercenaries, the Sumnites, Lumians, and Bruttiaus; while the Latins, Cumpsnisns, Ssbines, Umbrians, Volscisns, Marrncini, Peligni, and Freutani,are enumerated among the troops which swelled the ranks of the Romans. (Dionys. xx. Fr. Didot.) Hence, the final defeat of l’yrrhus near Beneventum (B. C. 275) was speedily followed by the complete subjugation of Italy. Tarenlam fell into the hands of the Romans in n. c. 272, and, in the same year, the consuls Sp. Carvilius nod Papirius Cursor celebrated the last of the many Roman triumphs over the Samnites, as well as the Lnt‘anians and Bruttians. Few pmiculais have been transmitted to us of the petty wars which followed, and served to complete the conquest of the peninsula The Picentes, who were throughout the Samnite wars on friendly terms with Rome, now appear for the first time as enemies; but they were defmtod and reduced to submission in 3.0. 268. The subjection of the Snllentines followed, 13.0. 266, and the same your records the conquest of the Ssrsinates, probably including the other mountain tribes of the Umbrians. A revolt of the Volsinians, in the following year (a. c. 265), apparently arising out of civil dissensions, gave occasion to the last of these petty wars, and earned for that people the credit of being the last of the Italians that submitted to the Roman power. (Florus, i. 21.)

It was not till long after that the nations of Northern Italy shared the same fate. Cisalpine Gaul and Lignria were still Ngurded as foreign provinces; and, with the exception of the Senones, whose territory had been already reduced, none of the Ganlish nations had been assailed in their own abodes. In B. c. 232 the distribution of the “ Galllcus ager“ (the territory of the Senones) became the oemion of a great. and formidable war, which, however, ultimately ended in the victory of the Romans, who immediately proceeded to plant the {'0 wlonim of Placentia and Cremoria in the ter“tery 0f the Ganls, a. c. 218. The history of this war, Ls well as of those which followed, is full! Rlllod under GALLIA CISALPINA. It may here suffice to mention, that the final conquest of the Boil, in B. c. l9], completed the subjection of Gaul, south of the Padus; and that of the Trans~ [Mane Gauls appears to have been accomplished Mn after, though there is some uncertainty as to ll" flact period. The Venetians had generally been the allies of the Romans during these contests With the Ganls, and appear to have passed gradually and quietly from the condition of independent allies to that of dependents, and ultimately of subjects. The on the contrary, were reduced by force if mm, and submitted in n. c. 177. The last People of Italy that fell under the yoke of Rome “ere the Ligurians. This hardy race of moun"lneers was not subdued till after a long scrim of “mwisnn; and, While the Roman arms wem over

ilg the lilacedi uiun and Syrian empires in the

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East, they were still constantly engaged in an inglorious, but arduous, struggle with the Ligurians, on their own immediate frontiers. Strabo observes, that it 00st them eighty years of war to secure the coastline of Lignris. for the space of l2 studio in width (iv. p. 203); a statement nearly correct, for the first triumph over the Ligurinns was celebrated in B. c. 236, and the lost in s. c. 158. Even after this last period it appears to have been a long time before the people were finally reduced to a state of tranquillity, and lapsed into the condition of ordinary Roman subjects.

2. Italy under the Romans—It would be a great mistake to suppose that. the several nations of Italy, from the periods at which they successively yielded to the Roman arms and acknowledged the supremacy of the Republic, became her subjects, in the strict sense of the ward, or were reduced under any uniform system of administration. The relations of every people, and often even of every city, with the supreme head, were regulated by special agreements or decrees, arising out of the circumstances of their conquest or submission. How various and diti'erent these relations were, is sufliciently seen by the instances of the Latins, the Camponinns, and the Hemicans, as given in detail by Livy (viii. ll —l4, ix. 43). From the loss of the second decade of that author, we are unfortunately deprived of all similar details in regard to the other nations of Italy; and hence our information as to the relations established between them and Rome in the third century B. 6., and which continued, with little alteration, till the outbreak of the Social War, B. c. 90, is unfortunately very imperfect. We may, however, clearly distinguish two principal classes into which the ltnliuns were then divided ; three who possessed the rights of Roman citizens, and were thus incorporated into the Roman state, and those who still retained their separate national existence as dependent allies, rather than subjects properly so called. The first class comprised all those communities which had received, whether as nations or separate citiu, the gift of the Roman franchise; a right sometimes conferred as a boon, but often also imposed as a penalty, with a view to break up more efiectually the national spirit and organisation, and bring the people into closer dependence upon the supreme authority. In these cases the citizenship was conferred without the right of snErsge; but in most, and perhaps in all such instance, the latter privilege was ultimately conceded. Thus we find the Sabines, who in a. c. 290 obtained only the " civitss sine sull'ragio," admitted in n. c. 268 to the full enjoyment of the franchise (Vell. l‘at. i. 14): the same was the case also, though at a much longer interval, with Foriniae, Fundi, and Arpinnni, which did not receive the right of suffrage till n. c. 188 (Liv. viii. 41, x. l, xxxviii. 36), though they had home the title of Roman citizens for more than a century. To the same class belonged those of the Roman colonies which were called “ coloniae civium Romanorum," and which, though less numerous and powerful than the Latin colonies, were smttercd through all parts of Italy, and included some Wealthy and important towns. (A list of them is given by Madvigfle C oloniis, pp. 295—303, and by Marqnardt, Handb. der Rémischen Alterthdmer, vol. iii. pt. i,

. 18. p To )the second class, the “ Socii " or “ Civitates Friederatne," which, down to the period of the Social War, included by far the largest part of the ltalinn people, belonged all those nations that had submitted to Rome upon any other terms than those of citizenship; and the treaties (foedera), which determined their relations to the central power, included almost every variety, from a condition of nominal equality and independence (aequum foedus), to one of the most complete subjection. Thus we find Heraclea in Lucania, Neapolis in Campania, and the Camertcs in Umbria, noticed as possessing particularly favourable treaties (Cic. pro Bulb. 8, 20, 22); and even some of the cities of Latium itself, which had not received the Roman civitas, continued to maintain this nominal independence long after they had be come virtually subject to the power of Rome. Thus, even in the days of Polybius,a Roman citizen might retire into mile at Tibur or Praeneste (Pol. vi. I4; Liv. xliii. 2), and the poor and decayed town of Laurentum went through the form of annually renewing its treaty with Rome down to the close of the Republic' (Liv. viii. II.) Nor was this in~ dependence merely nominal: though politically dependent upon Rome, and compelled to follow her lead in their external relations, and to furnish their contingent of troops for the wars, of which the dominant republic alone reaped the benefit, many of the cities of Italy continued to enjoy the absolute control of their own affairs and internal regulations; the troops which they were bound by their treaty to furnish Were not enrolled with the legions, but fought under their own standards as auxiliaries; they retained their own laws as well as courts of judicature, and, ercn when the Les J ulia conferred upon all the Italian allies the privileges of the Roman civitas, it was necessary that each city should adopt it by an act of its own. (Cic. pro Bulb. 8.) Nearly in the same position with the dependent allies, however ditl'erent in their origin, were the so-called “ Colonias Latinae;" that is, Roman colonies which did not enjoy the rights of Roman citizenship, but stood in the. some relation to the Roma state that the cities of the Latin League had formerly done. The name was, doubtless, derived from a period when these colonies were actually sent out in common by the Romans and Latins; but settlements on similar terms continued to he founded by the llomans alone, long after the extinction of the Latin League; and, before the Social War, the Latin colonies included many of the most flourishing and important towns of Italy. (For a list of them. with the dates of their foundation, see Madvig, do Colonil'a, l. c. ; Mommsen, Mimic/w Milnz- Women, pp. 230—234; and Marquardt, l. c. p. 33.) These colonies are firstly regarded by Livy as one of the main supports of the Republic during the Second Punic War (Liv. xxvii. 9, IO), and, doubtless, proved one of the most eld'ectual means of consolidating the Roman dominion in Italy. After the dissolution ofthe Latin League, 3. c. 338, these Latin colonies (with the few citim of Lntium that, like Tibur and Praeneste, still retained their separate organisation) formed the “ nomen Latinum," or body of the Latins. The close connection of these with the allies explains the frequent recurrence of the phrase "' socii et nomm Latinum" throughout the later books of Livy, and in other authors in reference to the same period.

A great and general change in the relations previously subsisting between the Italian states and Rome was introduced by the Social War (a. c. 90— 89), and the settlement which tonk place in consequence ot‘it. Gmat as were the dangers with which Rome was threatened by the t'onnidable coalition of

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those who had so long been her bravmt defenders they would have been still more alarming had the whole Italian people taken part in it. But the allies who then rose in arms against Rome were almost exclusively the Sabellians and their kindred mes. The Etruscans and Umbrians stood aloof, while the Sabiues, Latins, Volscinns, and other tribes who had already received the Roman franchise, supported the Republic, and furnished the materials of her srtnies. But the senate hastened to secure those who were wavering, as well as to disarm a portion at. least of the openly disaffected, by the gift of the Roman franchise, including the full privileges of citizens: and this was snlmequeutly extended to every one of the allies in succession as they submitted. There is some uncertainty as to the precise steps by which this Wu efl‘ected, but the Lex Julia, passed in the year 90 3.0., appears to have conferred the franchise upon the Latins (the “ nomen Latinum," as above defined) and all the allies who were willing to accept the boon. The Lox Plantia Papiria, passed the following year, a. c. 89, completed the arrange-mutt thus begun. (Cic. pro Bulb. 8, pro Arch. 4; A. Gell. iv. 4; Appiau, B. C. i. 49 ; Veil. Pat. ii. 16.)

By the change thus effected the distinction between the Latins and the allies. as well as between those two classes and the Roman citizens, Was entirely done away with ; and the Latin colonies lapsed into the condition of ordinary municipe'a. At the same time that all the free inhabitants of Italy, M thfl term was then understood (i. e. Italy S. of the Maura and Rubicon), thus received the full rights of Roman citizens, the same boon was granted to the inhabitants of Gallia Cispadana, while the 'l'rauspadlni appear to have been at the same time raised to the condition and privileges of Latins, that is $0 “,1 were placed on the same footing as if all their towns had been Latin colonies. (Ascon. in Pi'lon. 11-3, edOrell.; Savigny, Verrm'sehte Schnfien, vol. iii. pp. 290—308 ; Marquardt, Handb. vol. iii. pt. i. p. 48.) This peculiar arrangement, by which the .10: thll was revived'at the very time that it became naturally extinct in the rest of Italy, is more fully expllimd under Gnu.“ CISALPINA. In a. c. 49, after the outbreak of the Civil War, Caesar bestowed the fun franchise upon the Transpedani also (Dion CID!xli. 36); and from this time all the free inhabitants of Italy became united under one common class 118 citizens of Rome.

The Italians thus admith to the franchise Won! all ultimately enrolled in the thirty-five Roman tribes. The principle on which this was done We know not; but we learn that each municipium, and sometimes even a larger district, was assigned 10 l particular tribe: so that every citizen of Arpilmm. for instance, would belong to the Carnelian tribe. of Beneventum to the Stellatine, of Brixia to the Fitbian, of Ticinum to the Papian, and so ou.‘ Enid" so doing, all regard to that geographical distribution of the tribes which was undoubtedly kept in new in their first institution was necessarily lost: find we have not sufficient materials for attempting *0 determine how the distribution was made. A knowledge of it must, however, have been of essenilll importance so long as the Republic continued; “"d

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in this sense we find Cicero alluding to “ Italia tribntitn dmcripta ” as a matter of interest to the can— didatu for public offices. (Q. Cic. de Petit. Com. 8.)

3. Italytnuier the Roman Empire—No mats-rial change was introduced into the political condition of Italy by the establishment of the imperial authority at items; the constitution and regulations that existed before the end of the Republic continued, with only a few modifications, in full force. The most important of these was the system of municipal orgsnisation, which pervaded every part of the country, and which was directly derived from the days of ltnliun freedom, when every town had really posswed an independent government. Italy, as it existed under the Romans, may be still regarded as an aggregate of individual connnunititn, though these had lost all pretensions to national independence, and retained only their separate municipal existence. Every municipium had its own internal organisation, presenting very nearly a miniature copy of that ot~ the Roman republic. It had its senate or council, the members of which were called Decurioncs, and the council itself Ordo Decurionum, or often simply Ordo; its popular assemblies, which, however, soon fell into disuse under the Empire; and its local ntugistmtm, of whom the principal were the Duumviri, or sometimes Quatuorviri, answering to the Roman consuls and praetors: the Quinquennales, with functions analogous to those of the censors; the Aodila and Quaestors, whose duties nearly corresponded with those of the same magistrates at Rome. These ditferent magistrates were annually elected, at first by the popular assembly, subsequently by the Senate or Decurions: the members of the latter body held lbeiroflices for life. Nor was this municipal government confined to the town in which it. was resident: every such Municipium possessed a territory or Ager, of which it was as it were the capital, and over which it exercised the same municipal jnisdiction as within its own Walls. This district of course varied much in extent, but in many instances comprised a very considerable territory, including many smaller towns and villages, all which were dependent, for municipal purposes, upon the central and chief town. Thus we are told by Pliny, that many of the tribes that inhabited the Alpine valleys bordering on the plains of Gallia Cisalpina, were by the has Pompeia assigned to certain neighmunicipia (Lego Pompeii altributi mimiupiil, Plin. 20. s. 24), that is to say, they were included in their territory, and subjected to their jurisdiction. Again, we know that the territorim of Cremona and Mantus adjoined one another, 1110th the cities were at a considerable distance. in like manner, the territory of Beneventum comP'i-“td l large part of the land of the Hirpini. It is this point which gives a great importance to the distinction between municipal towns and those which werenotso; that the former were not only themselves more important places, but were, in fact, the upitals of districts, into which the whole country was divided. The villages and minor towns included within these districts Were distinguished by the terms “fora, conciliabula, vici, castella," and were dependent upon the chief town, though sometimes Wing a subordinate and imperfect local organiWifltt of their own. In some cases it even happened that, from local circumstances, one of these subordil-ltc plscu would flu to a condition of wealth and Mperity far surpassing those of the municipittm, on which it nevertheless continued dependent. 'l'hus,

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the opulent watering‘place of Boise always remained, in a municipal sense, a mere dependency of Guinea

The distinction between colonine and municipia, which had been of great. importance under the R0man republic, lost its real significance, when the citizens of both alike possessed the Roman franchise. But the title of colonic was still retained by those towns which had received fresh colonies towards the close of the ltcpublic under Caesar or the Triumvirste, as well mt under the Empire. It appears to have been regarded as an honorary distinction, and as giving a special claim upon the favour and protection of the founder and his descendants; though it conferred no real political superiority. (Gell. xvi. 13.) On the other hand, the Pracfecturae—a name also derived from the early republican period— were distinguished from the colonies and municipin by the circumstance that the juridical functions were there exercised by a Pracfectus, an oflicer sent direct from Rome, instead of by the Duumviri or Quatnorriri (whose legal title was Ilvin' or llllvifl' Juri dicundo) elected by the municipality. But as these distinctions were comparatively unimportant, the nuns of “ municipia" is not unfrequently applied in a generic sense, so as to include all towns which had a local self-government. “ Oppida" is sometimes employed with the same meaning. Pliny, however, generally uses “oppida” as equivalent to “municipia," but exclusive of colonies: thus, in describing the eighth region, he says, “ Coloniae llononia, Brizillum, Malina, etc. . . . . Oppida Caesena, Clamrna, Forum Clodi, etc.” (iii. 15. a. 20, et pasaim). It is important to observe that, in all such passages, the list of “oppida " is certainly meant to include only municipal towns; and the lists thus given by l'liny, though disfigured by corruption and carelessness. were probably in the first instance derived from oflicial sources. Hence the marked agreement which may be traced between them and the lists given in the Libcr Coloniarum, which, notwithstanding the ccrruptious it has suti‘cred, is unquestionably based upon good materials. (Concerning the municipal institutions of Italy, sce Savigny, Vmiac/zte Sckn'flen, vol. pp. 279—412, and Gesch. du Rom. Rechts, vol. i. ; Marqutu'dt, Handb. d. Ito‘m. Alterthvinwr, vol. iii. pt i. pp. 44—55 ; Hocck, (less/tickle, book 5, chap. 3 ; and the article GALLIA CISALPINA.)

The municipal organisation of Italy, and the ter~ ritorial distribution connected with it, lasted throughout the Roman empire, though there was always a strong tendency on the part of the central authority and its ofiicers to encroach upon the municipal powers: and in one important point, that of their legal jurisdiction, those powers were materially circumscribed. But the municipal constitution itself naturally acquired increased importance ms the central power became feeble and disorganiscd: it survived the fall of the Western Empire, and continued to subsist under the Gothic and Lombard conquerors, until the cities of Italy gradually assumed a position of independence, and the municipal constitutions which had existed under the Roman empire, bacame the foundation of the free republics of the middle ages. (Savigny, Gesck. du [Emile/ten Reclm im Mitts! Alter, vol. i)

The ecclesiastical arrangements introduced after the establishment of Christianity in the Rom ompire, appear to have stood in close connection with the municipal limits. Almost every town which was their a flourishing municipium bt-‘t'tillle the see of u

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