the same Congress, which report shows the public debt as less than five millions of dollars.

Since the date above referred to, no further general estimate has been made at the Treasury Department. It is known, however, that the revenues of the Government have nearly equalled its expenditures; so that the debt has not been materially increased, except from the interest which has since accrued.

The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion to offer to Mr. Calhoun assurances of their distinguished consideration.

ISAAC VAN ZANDT.

J. PINCKNEY HENDERSON.

Hon. JOHN C. CALHOUN, Secretary of State.

Mr. Pakenham to Mr. Upshur.

WASHINGTON, February 26th, 1844.

SIR-In compliance with your request to that effect, I have the honor herewith to transmit to you a copy of the despatch from Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which I had the honor to read to you on Saturday last.

I have the honor to be, with high consideration, your obedient servant,

Hon. A. P. UPSHUR.

R. PAKENHAM.

FOREIGN OFFICE, December 26th, 1843.

SIR-As much agitation appears to have prevailed of late in the United States relative to the designs which Great Britain is supposed to entertain with regard to the Republic of Texas, Her Majesty's Government deem it expedient to take measures for stopping at once the misrepresentations which have been circulated, and the errors into which the Government of the United States seems to have fallen on the

subject of the policy of Great Britain with respect to Texas. That policy is clear and simple, and may be stated in a few words.

Great Britain has recognized the independence of Texas, and, having done so, she is desirous of seeing that independence finally and formally established, and generally recognized, especially by Mexico. But this desire does not arise from any motive of ambition or of self-interest, beyond that interest, at least, which attaches to the general extension of our commercial dealings with other countries.

We are convinced that the recognition of Texas by Mexico must conduce to the benefit of both these countries, and, as we take an interest in the well-being of both, and in their steady advance in power and wealth, we have put ourselves forward in pressing the Government of Mexico to acknowledge Texas as independent. But in thus acting we have no occult design, either with reference to any peculiar influence which we might seek to establish in Mexico or in Texas, or even with reference to the slavery which now exists, and which we desire to see abolished in Texas.

With regard to the latter point, it must be and is well known, both to the United States and to the whole world; that Great Britain desires, and is constantly exerting herself to procure, the general abolition of slavery throughout the world. But the means which she has adopted, and will continue to adopt, for this humane and virtuous purpose, are open and undisguised. She will do nothing secretly or underhand. She desires that her motives may be generally understood, and her acts seen by all.

With regard to Texas, we avow that we wish to see slavery abolished there, as elsewhere; and we should rejoice if the recognition of that country by the Mexican Government should be accompanied by an engagement on the part of Texas to abolish slavery eventually, and under proper conditions, throughout the Republic. But although we earnestly

desire and feel it to be our duty to promote such a consummation, we shall not interfere unduly, or with an improper assumption of authority, with either party, in order to insure the adoption of such a course. We shall counsel, but we shall not seek to compel, or unduly control, either party. So far as Great Britain is concerned, provided other States act with equal forbearance, those Governments will be fully at liberty to make their own unfettered arrangements with each other, both in regard to the abolition of slavery and to all other points.

Great Britain, moreover, does not desire to establish in Texas, whether partially dependent on Mexico, or entirely independent (which latter alternative we consider in every respect preferable), any dominant influence. She only desires to share her influence equally with all other nations. Her objects are purely commercial; and she has no thought or intention of seeking to act directly or indirectly, in a political sense, on the United States through Texas.

The British Government, as the United States well know, have never sought in any way to stir up disaffection or excitement of any kind in the slaveholding States of the American Union. Much as we should wish to see those States placed on the firm and solid footing which we conscientiously believe is to be attained by general freedom alone, we have never in our treatment of them made any difference between the slaveholding and the free States of the Union. All are, in our eyes, entitled, as component members of the Union to equal political respect, favor, and forbearance, on our part. To that wise and just policy we shall continue to adhere; and the Governments of the slaveholding States may be assured that, although we shall not desist from those open and honest efforts which we have constantly made for procuring the abolition of slavery throughout the world, we shall neither openly nor secretly resort to any measures which

can tend to disturb their internal tranquillity, or thereby to affect the prosperity of the American Union.

You will communicate this despatch to the United States Secretary of State, and, if he should desire it, you will leave a copy of it with him.

Right Hon. RICHARD PAKENHAM, &c.

I am, &c.,

ABERDEEN.

Mr. Calhoun to Mr. Pakenham.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, April 18th, 1844.

The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has laid before the President the note of the Right Honorable Mr. Pakenham, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Her Britannic Majesty, addressed to this department on the 26th of February last, together with the accompanying copy of a despatch of Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to Mr. Pakenham. In reply, the undersigned is directed by the President to inform the Right Honorable Mr. Pakenham, that, while he regards with pleasure the disavowal of Lord Aberdeen of any intention on the part of Her Majesty's Government "to resort to any measures, either openly or secretly, which can tend to disturb the internal tranquillity of the slaveholding States, and thereby affect the tranquillity of this Union," he at the same time regards with deep concern the avowal, for the first time made. to this Government, "that Great Britain desires and is constantly exerting herself to procure the general abolition of slavery throughout the world.”

So long as Great Britain confined her policy to the abolition of slavery in her own possessions and colonies, no other country had a right to complain. It belonged to her exclusively to determine, according to her own views of policy, whether it should be done or not. But when she goes be

yond, and avows it as her settled policy, and the object of her