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of the distracted republic occupied by a general with unlimited power -the uncontrolled master of a territory which, in extent and importance, is equal to a mighty kingdom-a man of superior understanding, desperate resolves, and, if circumstances rendered it necessary, of fearful cruelty-a man who, under the show of democratical opinions, behaved like a despot, governed a province at his pleasure, and established an absolute control over his soldiers by leading them to victory, bloodshed, and pillage."

The Gallic provinces at this time subject to Rome were: Gallia citerior, or Cisalpine Gaul (North Italy); and Gallia ulterior, or the southern part of Transalpine Gaul, also called emphatically 'Provincia' (whence the modern Provence), whose capital was Narbo, now Narbonne. The Provincia extended from the Mediterranean to the Jebenna Mountains, and included the modern provinces of East Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné. On the north it joined the allobroges, then lately subjected to Rome. When Cæsar, in his 'Commentaries,' speaks of Gaul, which he divides into Aquitania, Celtica, and Belgica, he means the Gaul which was then independent, and which he conquered, exclusive of the Provincia already subject to Rome. In March B.C. 58, while Caesar was still at Rome, news came that the Helvetians, united with several German tribes, were leaving their country with their wives and children in order to settle in Southern Gaul, and were directing their march upon Geneva to cross the Rhône at that place. Cæsar hastened to Geneva, cut the bridge, and raised a wall or entrenchment between the Rhône and the Jura in order to close the passage against the Helvetians. The Helvetians asked permission to pass through the Roman province on their way to the country of the Santones (Saintonge), as they said, and on Cæsar's refusal they resolved to cross the Jura higher up into the country of the Sequani (Franche Comté), with whom they entered into negociations to that effect. Cæsar, foreseeing danger to the Roman province if the Helvetians succeeded in settling themselves in Gaul, resolved to prevent them at all risks. He left his lieutenant Labienus at Geneva, with the only legion he had in the province, and hastened back to Cisalpine Gaul, where he raised two fresh legions, and summoned three more which had wintered near Aquileia. With these five legions (about 30,000 men) he took the most direct road to Gallia ulterior, crossing the Alps by Ocelum (Exilles, between Susa and Briançon), and marched through the province to the country of the Segusiani, the nearest independent Gaulish people, who lived near the confluence of the Rhône and the Arar (the Saône). The Helvetians meantime having crossed the country of the Sequani had reached the Arar, which divided the Sequani from the lui, a considerable nation of Celtic Gaul, who extended from the Arar to the Ligeris, and who were friendly with Rome. The Edui applied to Cæsar for assistance. He watched the motions of the Helvetians, and having learnt that three-fourths of their number had crossed the Arar, he marched at midnight with three legions, and fell upon those who still remained on the east bank with the baggage, and killed or dispersed them. These were the Tigurini who, about fifty years before, having joined the Cimbri, had defeated and killed the Roman consul L. Cassius. Cæsar crossed the Arar in pursuit of the Helvetian main body. After a useless conference between Cæsar and old Divico the Helvetian leader, the Helvetians continued to advance into the country of the Elui, and Cæsar after them. Cæsar's cavalry, 4000 strong, composed of Gaulish horsemen raised in the Provincia and among the Ædui, had the worst in an engagement against 500 Helvetian horsemen. Cæsar discovered that there was a party hostile to Rome among the Edui, at the head of which was Dumnorix, a young man of great wealth, influence, and ambition, who secretly favoured the Helvetians, although he actually commanded a body of the auxiliary cavalry under Cæsar. At the same time the provisions which the Edui had promised to supply to the Roman army were not forthcoming. Cæsar sent for Divitiacus, the brother of Dumuorix, a Druid, who was friendly to Rome, and told him all he knew about his brother's double dealing. Divitiacus acknowledged his brother's fault, and obtained his pardon. We find afterwards ('De Bello Gallico,' v. 7), that Dumnorix continued in his heart hostile to the Romans, and at the time of Cæsar's first expedition into Britain refused to embark with his auxiliaries, left Cæsar's camp, was followed, overtaken, and put to death.

The movements of the Helvetians through the country of the Edui must have been very slow and circuitous, for we find that Cæsar, after following them for a fortnight, was about 18 miles from Bibracte (Autun), which is not above 80 miles from the most distant point of the Arar where they could have crossed. Cæsar, who had now only two days' provisions left, gave up the pursuit, and took the road to Bibracte, the principal town of the Edui. The Helvetians mistaking this movement for a retreat, turned round and followed the Romans. Cæsar halted on a hill, formed his four old legions in three lines halfway up the hill, and placed in their rear higher up the two new legions, as well as the auxiliaries. The baggage he assembled and entrenched on the summit of the hill. The Helvetians, whom Cæsar on this occasion calls Gauls, for they were in fact a Celtic race, having left all their baggage, waggons, and families in one spot, closed their ranks and formed their phalanx, repulsed Caesar's cavalry, and advanced to attack his first line, Numbers were vastly in their

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favour. Cæsar, having dismounted, sent away his own and all the other horses, to preclude all hope of flight, and having harangued his men, gave the signal for battle. The legionaries, from their elevated position, threw their javelins with great force upon the advancing Helvetians, and having disordered their phalaux, rushed sword in hand upon them. Owing to the close order of the Helvetian ranks it happened that, in many instances, the Roman javelins transfixed two shields at once, so that the bearers being unable to extricate one from the other, were obliged to throw their shields away and fight unprotected. At last, covered with wounds, the Helvetians retired towards a mountain a mile distant. The Romans followed them, but were attacked in flank by the Boii and Tulingi, 15,000 strong, who formed the Helvetian rear-guard. Cæsar ordered his third line to face about and repel these new enemies, while the other two were engaged against the Helvetian main body who had halted and returned to the charge. This double fight lasted from noon to sunset, during which time none of the Helvetiaus were seen to turn their backs. They withdrew at last, one part to the mountain and the rest to their baggage, where they continued to fight desperately behind their carts during the night, till they were nearly all killed. The other part, to the number of 130,000 individuals, moved off during the night, and marching in a north direction arrived in the country of the Lingones (Langres): the Romans were unable to follow them, being detained three days on the field of battle in attending to their wounded and burying their dead. In the Helvetian camp were found written tablets containing the muster of the different tribes which composed the emigration, to the number of 368,000 individuals, of whom 92,000 were fighting men. Cæsar says the tablets were written in Greek characters: it has been supposed by some that they were Etruscan letters somewhat resembling the old Greek, and perhaps introduced into Helvetia by the Rhæti or Rasena, an Etruscan people.

After three days, Cæsar marched in pursuit of the Helvetians, who threw themselves on his mercy. Cæsar demanded their arms, hostages, and the surrender of the slaves and other fugitives who had taken refuge among them; and they were ordered to return home, and cultivate their lands. The Boii alone, distinguished for their bravery, were allowed to remain among the Edui at the request of the latter. A part of one of the Helvetian tribes, pagus Verbigenus, 6000 in number, having marched off in the midst of the confusion and darkness of the night, and taken the way towards the Rhine and Germany, were pursued by Cæsar's order, brought back and "treated as enemies,' which then meant that they were either put to death or sold as slaves. The Helvetians, who returned home, were mustered by Cæsar, and found to be 110,000 individuals, men, women, and children.

Cæsar says that his principal object in sending the Helvetians back was to prevent the Germans beyond the Rhine from occupying their country and becoming formidable neighbours to the Roman provinces. The report of Cæsar's victory spread rapidly through all Celtic Gaul, the various tribes of which began to look up to him as their arbiter in their internal differences. The Edui complained to him that Ariovistus, a powerful king of the Germans, being invited by the Sequani and the Arverni, between whom and the Edui there was an old rivalry, had crossed the Rhine some time before with 15,000 men, who had afterwards increased to 120,000, had defeated the Ædui and their allies in a great battle, had occupied several provinces of Gaul, exacted hostages of them, and was in fact oppressing the country. The Gauls described the Germans as an athletic, fierce, and formidable people. Cæsar, who, during his consulship in the previous year, had induced the senate to acknowledge Ariovistus as a king and friend of Rome, now sent to him requesting an interview, which the German declined. Cæsar then required him by message to desist from bringing over the Rhine fresh bodies of Germans, and from molesting the Edu and their allies, who were neighbours to the Roman Province, and to restore their hostages. Ariovistus replied that as he had never dictated to the Romans what use they should make of their victories, he would not be dictated to by them; and that the Edui were his tributaries by force of arms.

Cæsar, learning that other Germans, and particularly the Suevi, a powerful nation, were approaching the Rhine to join Ariovistus, determined on attacking him. He occupied Vesontio (Besançon), a strong town of the Sequani, before Ariovistus could seize it. The fearful reports of the Gauls about the Germans spread alarm in Cæsar's camp, especially among the young officers, military tribunes, præfects, and others, accustomed to the luxuries of Rome, and who had followed Cæsar out of personal friendship (I. 39). Skulking in their tents, they lamented their fate, and were busy making their last wills. The panic spread to the veterans, and Cæsar was told that it would be impossible to advance farther; that the roads were impracticable; that no provi sions could be collected, and, in short, that the soldiers would not follow him if he raised his camp. Having assembled the officers, he told them that it was not their business to discuss the measures and orders of their general, ridiculed their fears of the Germans, since the Cimbri and Teutones, the most formidable of that race, had been defeated by the Roman arms, and signified to them that he would raise the camp next morning, and if they refused to follow him, would march forth with the tenth legion alone. This was Cæsar's favourite regiment. This harangue had its full effect, and Cæsar marched from Vesontio to meet Ariovistus. After a fruitless interview between the

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two chiefs, which is graphically described by Caesar, Ariovistus arrested and put in chains Valerius Procillus, Cæsar's friend and confidential interpreter, and Mettius, who had gone to the German camp to renew the negociations. Cæsar prepared for battle, but Ariovistus remained in his camp for several days, because, as Cæsar was informed by the prisoners, the German matrons had declared that their countrymen would be losers if they fought before the new moon. Accordingly the Roman general determined to make the attack. The Germans came out, and formed for battle in phalanxes by order of nations, the Harudes, Marcomanni, the Tribocci, the Vangiones, the Nemetes, the Sedusii, and the Suevi; and they placed their waggons, baggage, and women in a semicircle behind them so as to prevent escape. The signal being given, both armies rushed to the encounter with such rapidity that the Romans had not time to throw their javelins, and at once resorted to their swords. Cæsar, perceiving that the left of the enemy was the weakest, commenced the attack on that point; many of his soldiers went up, and, grasping the enemies' shields, tried to snatch them away. Meantime the German right was pressing hard upon the Romans, who were much inferior in numbers, when young Crassus (the son of Licinius), who commanded the cavalry, moved the third or rear line obliquely to the support of the left, and thus recovered the advantage. The Germans gave way, and fled towards the Rhine, which was 50 miles distant, being pursued by Caesar's cavalry. Many fell, some swam across the river, others, and Ariovistus among the rest, passed it in boats. Ariovistus's two wives and one daughter were killed in the flight; another daughter was taken. Valerius Procillus and Mettius were both rescued, to the great satisfaction of Cæsar. Cæsar, having thus terminated the campaign, put his troops in winter-quarters among the Sequani, and himself crossed the Alps to Citerior or Cisalpine Gaul, to hold the usual courts for the administration of justice and the civil business of the province. The campaign of B.C. 57 was against the Belgic Gauls, a powerful race of German origin, who had been long settled in the country between the Rhine and the Sequana (Seine). Alarmed by the advance of the Romans through Celtic Gaul, the Belge had, during the winter, formed a confederacy, and prepared themselves for resistance. Cæsar, with the usual logic of conquerors, found in these preparations a pretext for attack. He raised two more legions in Cisalpine Gaul, and proceeded at the beginning of summer to his camp in the Sequani. He then advanced with eight legions, and in fifteen days reached the country of the Remi, the first Belgic people on that side. The Remi made their submission, and gave him every information concerning the extent and the strength of the confederacy, which amounted, they said, to 300,000 fighting men. After crossing the river Axona (Aisne), Cæsar fixed his camp on the right or farthest bank, and fortified it with a rampart 12 feet high and a ditch 18 feet deep. The Belgians made some demonstrations against him, but Cæsar kept quiet in his entrenchments, and the Belge broke up for want of provisions, and resolved to fight each in his own territory. After subjecting the Suessiones, the Bellovaci, and the Ambiani, Cæsar marched against the Nervii, the most powerful of the Belgic nations. A desperate battle was fought on the banks of the Sabis (Sambre ?), in which the Nervii actually surprised the Roman soldiers while in the act of tracing and entrenching their camp, and before they had time to form or to put on their helmets. Cæsar's cavalry, auxiliaries, servants, drivers, and followers of the camp all ran away, spreading the report of the defeat of the Romans. Cæsar hurried from legion to legion, encouraging the men, and finally succeeded in re-establishing order. The tenth legion came to turn the scale. The Nervii fought desperately to the last, and their nation and name, says Cæsar, were nearly extinguished on that day. It was reported that out of 60,000 fighting men only 500 remained. The women and children sued for mercy, and Cæsar restored to them their territory and towns. The Aduatici were the descendants of a body of Cimbri and Teutones, who had settled towards the confluence of the Sabis and the Mosa. While on their march to support the Nervii, they heard of the total defeat of their allies, upon which they retired to a strong natural hold, where they were regularly besieged by Cæsar, who formed a line of circumvallation. When they saw the moveable towers and the battering ram approaching their walls, engines of which the Gauls had no idea, they sued for peace. Cæsar required them to throw their arms outside of their ramparts. They did so, but concealed one-third of them; they then opened their gates and mixed with the Roman soldiers. On the evening Cæsar withdrew his men within his lines, but at midnight the Aduatici came out in arms and attempted to scale Cæsar's entrenchments. Being repulsed with great loss, their place was entered the next day, and the people were sold as claves to the number of 53,000.

Crassus, being detached by Cæsar across the Sequana into Western Gaul, received the submission of the Aulerci, Unelli, and Veneti, and other maritime people on the coasts of the ocean; and as the season was growing late, the army went into winter-quarters in the country of the Carnutes (about Orléans), Turones (Tours), and other parts of central Gaul. Cæsar set off, according to his custom, for Cisalpine Gaul, where his friends flocked from Rome to congratulate him on his successes. The senate, on receiving from the victorious general the usual official letters, ordered fifteen days of public thanksgiving to the gods, a period never granted before for any other general.

Cæsar's third campaign (B.c. 56) was against the Western Gauls.

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Crassus, while wintering with one legion among the Andes (Anjou), sent tribunes and other officers to the Veneti (Vannes in Brittany) and other people on the Atlantic coast to ask for provisions. The Veneti, a powerful commercial seafaring people, who had numerous ships in which they traded with Britain and other countries, having recovered from the alarm of Caesar's conquests, arrested the officers of Crassus, and refused to give them up until their own hostages were restored. All the neighbouring maritime tribes made common cause with the Veneti. Cæsar immediately ordered galleys to be constructed on the Ligeris (Loire), and sent also to collect ships on the coast of the Pictones and Santones (Poitou and Saintonge), who were friends with Rome. He directed the fleet to attack the Veneti by sea, while he marched against them by land. He exclaimed loudly against the breach of treaties, and the arrest of the Roman officers after the Veneti had made submission and given hostages, while he acknowledges in his 'Commentaries' that he was afraid other nations would follow the example, "knowing that it is the nature of all men to love liberty and hate servitude." This was a critical time for the Roman general; but his presence of mind never forsook him in difficulties. He sent Labienus towards the Rhine to watch the Belgians and Germans, Crassus into Aquitania, gave the command of the fleet to Decimus Brutus, and himself marching against the Veneti, took several of their towns on the coast. But he soon found that by means of their ships they easily moved from one point to another, and that the only way to conquer them effectually was by sea. The description of the ships of the Veneti, their naval tactics, their habits and modes of life, is one of Cæsar's most interesting sketches. A great naval battle, which lasted all day, ended with the destruction of the fleet of the Veneti, to the number of above 200 ships. Cæsar, determining to strike terror into the neighbouring people, put to death all the senators or chief men of the Veneti, and sold the rest as slaves. The Unelli (in the neighbourhood of Cherbourg) were likewise conquered by Titurius Sabinus; and Crassus defeated the Aquitanians, though with considerable difficulty, and received hostages from various tribes of that remote region. Cæsar himself marched against the Morini and Menapii (Boulogne, Calais, &c., and further to the north and east), but the rainy season setting in the soldiers could no longer remain under tents, and accordingly, after ravaging the country, he placed his troops for the winter among the Aulerci, Lexovii, &c. (Normandy). It would appear by the following book (iv. 6) that he went as usual to pass the winter in North Italy. (Compare also v. 53.) The following year, B.C. 55, Pompeius and Crassus being consuls, two German tribes, the Usipetes and the Tenchteri, being harrassed by the Suevi, crossed the Rhine near its mouth into the country of the Menapii, between the Mosa and the Scaldis (Scheldt). Cæsar gives an interesting account of the Suevi, the principal German nation with which the Romans were then acquainted. Being resolved to check any disposition on the part of the Germans to cross the Rhine, he set off for the army earlier than usual. He found, as he suspected, that several Gaulish nations had an understanding with the Germans. The Usipetes sent to ask permission to settle in Gaul. Cæsar answered that there was no vacant place in Gaul for fresh emigrants, but that if they chose to settle among the Ubii on the banks of the Rhine, who were themselves at war with the Suevi, he would employ his good offices for the purpose. While negociations were going forward, Cæsar's Gaulish cavalry, 5000 strong, was suddenly attacked near the banks of the Mosa by 800 German horsemen, and, as usual, routed. The next day a number of German chiefs and elders came to Cæsar's camp to apologise for the affray. Cæsar arrested them all, and immediately marched against their camp, which being thus surprised and unprepared was easily entered, when the Romans made a dreadful carnage of the Germans. The survivors fled as far as the confluence of the Mosa and the Rhine, where most of them perished. This was the action about which Cato exclaimed so loudly against Cæsar in the Roman senate.

The Ubii being annoyed by the Suevi appealed to Cæsar, and offered him boats to cross the Rhine. Declining this offer, he constructed a bridge by means of piles driven in the bed of the river. He gives a minute description of the process of building the bridge (iv. 17). It was finished in ten days, when Cæsar marched across, ravaged the country of the Sicambri, and reassured the Ubii by his presence. Hearing that the Suevi had assembled all their forces in the interior of their country, and considering "he had done all that the honour and interest of Rome required," he re-crossed the Rhine, after spending eighteen days on German ground.

He next made his first expedition into Britain. [BRITANNIA, in GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISION.] On his return he chastised the Morini, who had attacked some of his detachments, put his troops into winter quarters in Belgic Gaul, and then repaired to Cisalpine Gaul, as usual. In this year Cæsar's period of government was extended for five years more by a Senatus Consultum.

The next year, B.C. 54, Cæsar, after making an excursion into Illy. ricum, which formed also part of his government, returned into Gaul, where he had ordered a fleet to assemble at Portus Itius (between Eoulogne and Calais) for a second attempt upon Britain. Meantime he visited the Treviri, the most powerful nation in cavalry of all Gaul. A dispute had arisen between Induciomarus and Cingetorix about the supreme authority: Cæsar, knowing Cingetorix to be well disposed to

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the Romans, supported his claims. This took place just before the expedition to Britain. On his return from Britain he repaired to Samarobriva (Amiens), where he held a council of the Gaulish deputies. On account of the bad harvest and scarcity of provisions, he was obliged to disperse his legions in various parts of the country for the winter. This proved nearly fatal to the Roman arms. He himself remained in Belgic Gaul to see his legions properly quartered. A fortnight only had elapsed when the Euberones (Tongres), excited by Induciomarus, revolted and attacked the camp of Titurius Sabinus and L. Cotta, who had one legion and five cohorts with them. Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, alarmed Sabinus by telling him that the whole country was in arms, and that the Germans were coming. Much against Cotta's opinion, Sabinus resolved on retiring towards the next Roman garrison, which was exactly what Ambiorix wished. The Romans were attacked on their march by numerous forces, surrounded, and all cut to pieces. Ambiorix, elated with this success, next attacked the camp of Quintus Cicero, brother to the orator, who was stationed with one legion in the country of the Nervii. Quintus made a brave defence. After several days' siege, the Gauls threw combustibles into the camp and set fire to the huts of the soldiers, which were thatched after the Gaulish fashion. At the same time the Gauls advanced to scale the ramparts; but the legionaries stood firm at their post, and Cæsar, having at last received news through a Gaulish slave of the danger of his men, marched with two legions to their relief, defeated the Gauls, and entered Cicero's camp, where he found not one tenth of the soldiers free from wounds. He praised Cicero, he praised the men, he spoke of the catastrophe of Sabinus and Cotta as a consequence of imprudence, and a lesson to other commanders. He then resolved to pass the winter in Gaul, and stationed himself with three legions at Samarobriva. Induciomarus, having attacked Labienus, was defeated and killed.

The following year, B.C. 53, which was the sixth of Cæsar's government, symptoms of general disaffection manifested themselves throughout Gaul. The people had been overawed but not subdued. The harshness and rapacity of the conquerors made the Gauls wish to shake off the yoke; but all their attempts were detached, partial, and not combined, and they failed, after giving however full employment to the Romans. It was a year of desultory though destructive warfare. Cæsar obtained of Pompey the loan of one legion, and had recruited two legions more in the Cisalpine province. He had now ten legions (60,000 men) under his orders, which was considered a very large Roman army. He first defeated the Senones, the Nervii, and the Menapii: the Treviri were defeated by Labienus. Cæsar then crossed the Rhine again from the country of the Treviri, having constructed a new bridge a little below the former one. He expected that the Suevi would attack him, but that wary people withdrew inland to the entrance of the great forest called Bacenis (the Harz?), which lay between their territory and that of the Cherusci, and there waited for Cæsar to advance. But the Roman avoided the snare, and withdrew his army across the Rhine, leaving part of the bridge standing for a future occasion. He then marched against Ambiorix aud the Eburones, who did not wait for him, but took refuge in the forests and marshes, where they kept up a partisan or guerrilla warfare. Cæsar ordered the country of the Eburones to be thoroughly devastated, and invited the neighbouring tribes, Germans and Gauls, to assist in the work of destruction. One German tribe however, the Sicambri, who had crossed the Rhine for the purpose of booty, thought it expedient to attack the camp of Quintus Cicero, which they had nearly forced. Ambiorix escaped, notwithstanding all endeavours to seize him; but sentence of death was passed against Acco, the leader of the previous revolt of the Senones. His accomplices, who had escaped, were banished. Having put his legions to winter among the Treviri, Lingones, and Senones, Cæsar repaired to Cisalpine Gaul. The disturbances which occurred at Rome in consequence of the murder of Clodius made Cæsar turn his attention towards that quarter. He raised troops in every part of the Cisalpine province. These rumours spreading among the Transalpine Gauls, exasperated as they were by the execution of Acco and Cæsar's fearful vengeance upon the Eburones, they thought the time was come for one great effort while Caesar was engaged in Italy. The Carnutes began by massacreing all the Romans whom they found in the town of Genabum (Orléans). Vercingetorix, a young man of one of the first families of the Arverni, was placed at the had of a confederacy of the whole of Celtic Gaul. The Bituriges joined the league, and the Ædui themselves wavered in their allegiance. Cæsar hearing this news, and seeing that the affairs of Rome had through Pompey's influence assumed a quieter aspect, set off in the middle of winter (beginning of B.C. 52) for the province of Ulterior Gaul, repaired to Narbo, which was threatened by the Gauls, and having collected some troops, crossed the Cebenna and spread alarm through the country of the Arverni, who hastily recalled Vercingetorix to their defence. Having thus effected his object of causing a diversion, Cæsar moved quickly northward to the country of the Lingones, whence he went among the Carnutes, attacked and took Vellaunodunum, Genabum, and Noviodunum. Vercingetorix in a great council of the chiefs advised, as the only means of harassing the Romans, to burn and destroy the whole country around them. This was executed in the country of the Bituriges, the villages and towns of which were set on fire except the town of Avaricum (Bourges),

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which was garrisoned by the Gauls. Cæsar laid siege to Avaricum, and took it after a most brave defence, when the Roman soldiers killed all-old men, women, and children. The next siege was that of Gergovia (near Clermont, in Auvergne), which, after a murderous attempt to storm the place, Cæsar was obliged to raise. The Edui, till then the firmest allies of Rome, had now thrown off the mask, joined the league, massacred the Romans at Noviodunum (Nevers), and seized the depôts, the baggage, and the treasury, which Cæsar had deposited there. Caesar's next movement was to the north into the country of the Senones, in order to join Labienus and the legions under him. The defection of the Edui rendered Cæsar's position in the centre of Gaul very difficult. Having effected a junction with Labienus, he directed his march towards the Lingones and the Sequani. Meantime he was enabled to collect a body of German cavalry from beyond the Rhine, which was of the greatest service to him during the rest of the campaign. Vercingetorix, who followed Cæsar closely, had his cavalry defeated by these new auxiliaries of the Romans, upon which he retired to Alesia (now a village called St.-Reine, and also Alise, near Flavigny and Semur in North Burgundy, ten leagues north-west of Dijon). Cæsar immediately invested the place, and began his lines of circumvallation. For this celebrated siege of Alesia we must refer to Caesar's own account. The whole forces of the Gallic confederation, stated at about 300,000 men, advanced to the relief of Alesia. Cæsar found himself besieged in his own lines, having to fight Vercingetorix from within, and the confederates from without. After a desperate battle, in which the Gauls penetrated into the Roman entrenchments, they were at last repulsed by Cæsar, who was well supported by his lieutenant Labienus. The Gaulish confederates, having sustained a tremendous loss, broke up the camp and returned home. Next day Vercingetorix assembled his council in Alesia, and offered to devote himself to save their lives by giving himself up to Cæsar. Alesia surrendered, and Vercingetorix was afterwards taken to Rome. Several years later he walked before the triumphal car of the conqueror; after which he was put to death in prison.

The Edui and the Arverni now made their submission to Cæsar, who took their hostages, and restored their prisoners. After putting his army into quarters, he stationed himself at Bibracte for the winter. This was the hardest fought campaign of all the Gallic war. Cæsar's eighth and last campaign in Gaul (B.c. 51) is related by Hirtius, who has continued his Commentaries' by writing an eighth or supplementary book. After the great but unsuccessful exertions of the Gauls in the preceding year their spirit was broken, but they still made some expiring efforts. Cæsar easily defeated the Carnutes, where his soldiers made an immense booty. He had more trouble with the Bellovaci (Beauvais), a Belgic nation, who at last submitted and gave hostages, all except Comius, the chief of the Atrebates, who had once been a friend to Cæsar. He had joined in the general revolt of the preceding year, in consequence of his life having been attempted by Labienus, who sent to him Volusenus Quadratus under pretence of a conference, but in reality with orders to kill him. During the interview a centurion of Volusenus's escort struck Comius and wounded him on the head, when the Gaulish escort interposed and saved Comius's life. From that time Comius swore he would never trust himself to a Roman. This disgraceful transaction, not mentioned by Cæsar, is related by Hirtius ( Bell. Gall.,' b. viii. 23). A revolt in western Gaul was quelled by C. Fabius, who subjugated all Armorica (Hirtius, 31). Gutruatus, chief of the Carnutes, who had joined in the revolt, was taken to Cæsar's camp, whipped with rods till he fainted, and then beheaded. Hirtius says that this inhuman act, repugnant to Cæsar's nature, was forced upon him by the clamour of his soldiers. Cæsar next besieged and took Uxellodunum, a stronghold of the Cadurei (Cahors). Here Cæsar's clemency, which Hirtius repeatedly extols, did not prevent him from sentencing all the men who had shared in the defence of Uxellodunum to have their hands chopped off. Cæsar entered Aquitania, the people of which gave hostages. Thence he repaired to Narbo, and there distributed his army in winter-quarters. He placed four legions among the Belgæ under M. Antonius (afterwards the celebrated triumvir), Trebonius, Vatinius, and Q. Tullius Cicero; two among the Ædui, two among the Turones, and two among the Lemovices, near the borders of the Arverni. He then visited the Provincia, held the courts, distributed rewards, and went to winter at Nemetocenna (Arras), then within the limits of the country called Belgium. During the winter he endeavoured to heal in some measure the wounds which he had inflicted upon the unfortunate countries of Gaul. He endeavoured to conciliate the principal inhabitants by great rewards, treated the people with kindness, established no new taxes, and by rendering the Roman yoke smooth and light he succeeded in pacifying Gaul, exhausted as it was by so long and so unfortunate a struggle.

In the spring of B.C. 51 Cæsar set off for Italy, where he was received by all the municipal towns and colonies of his government with great rejoicings. On his return to Belgic Gaul he reviewed his troops, and soon after returned to the north of Italy, where the dissensions between him and the senate had begun which led to the civil war. This was the ninth and last year of Cæsar's government of the Gauls. Before the close of his Gallic campaign, Cæsar had probably deter mined not to divest himself of the command of his army. He feared, and apparently with good reason, that if he were once in the power

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of his enemies at Rome his life would be in danger. His connection with Pompey had been dissolved by the death of Julia without any surviving offspring, and by the growing jealousy and fear with which his success in Gaul and his popularity with his army had filled all the aristocratical party. Cæsar's object now was to obtain the consulship a second time, and a special enactment had been already passed enabling him to stand for the consulship in his absence; but Pompey, who at last was roused from his lethargy, prevailed upon the Senate to require him to give up the command of the army, and come to Rome in person to be a candidate. Cæsar, who was now at Ravenna in his province of Gallia Cisalpina, sent Curio to Rome with a letter expressed in strong terms (Cic. Ep. ad Div.,' xvi. 11), in which he proposed to give up his army and come to the city, if Pompey would also give up the command of the troops which he had. These troops of Pompey comprised two legions which had been taken from Cæsar, and by a decree of the Senate were designed for the Parthian war, but had been illegally put into the hands of Pompey by Marcellus the consul. The Senate, acting under the influence of Pompey and Metellus Scipio, whose daughter Pompey had married, passed a decree that Cæsar should give up his army by a certain day, or be considered an enemy to the state. The tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, the friends of Cæsar, attempted to oppose the measure by their 'intercessio,' which was perfectly legal; but their opposition was treated with contempt, and thus they gained, what they were probably not sorry to have, a good excuse for hurrying to Cæsar with the news. (Cic., Ep. ad Div.,' xvi. 11.) Upon receiving the intelligence Cæsar crossed the Rubicon, a small stream which formed the southern limit of his province, and directed his march towards the south. The city was filled with confusion-councils were divided and hesitating-and Pompey, who was the commander-in-chief on the side of the Senate, was unprovided with troops to oppose the veterans of the Gallic wars. Domitius, who had thrown himself into Corfinium to defend the place, was given up to Cæsar by his soldiers, who joined the invading army. The alarm now became still greater, and it was resolved by the senatorial party to pass into Greece, and for the present to leave Italy at the mercy of Cæsar's legions. Pompey, with a large part of the Senate and his forces, hurried to Brundisium, whence he succeeded in making good his escape to Dyrrachium in Epirus, though Cæsar had reached the town some days before Pompey left it.

From Brundusium Cæsar advanced to Rome, where he met with no opposition. The Senate was assembled, with due regard to forms, to pass some ordinances, and there was little or nothing to mark the great change that had taken place, except Cæsar's possessing himself of the public money, which the other party in their hurry had left behind. His next movement was into Spain, where Pompey's party was strong, and where Afranius and Petreius were at the head of eight legions. After completely reducing this important province, Caesar, on his return, took the town of Massilia (Marseille), the seige of which had been commenced on his march to Spain. This ancient city, the seat of arts and polite learning, had professed a wish to maintain a neutral position between the two rival parties (Bell. Civil.' i. 35) and their respective leaders. We might infer from one passage in Strabo, that Marseille suffered severely either during or immediately after the siege (Strabo, p. 180); but another passage seems to imply that the conqueror used his victory with moderation. (Strabo, pp. 180, 181.) The title of Dictator was assumed by Cæsar on his return to Rome; but he made no further use of the power which it was supposed to confer than to nominate himself and Servilius consuls for the following year (B.C. 48). The campaign of the year B.C. 48 completed the destruction of the senatorial party. It is given at length in the third book of the 'Civil Wars' (where however there appears to be a considerable lacuna), and comprises the operations of Cæsar and Pompey at Dyrrachium (now Durazzo), and the subsequent defeat of Pompey on the great plain of Pharsalus, in Thessaly. Surrounded by nearly 200 senators, who acted like a controlling council, with an army mainly composed of raw, undisciplined recruits, the commander-in-chief, whose previous reputation was more due to fortune than to merit, was an unequal match for soldiers hardened by eight years' campaigns, and directed by the energies of one skilful general. It seems difficult to comprehend the movements of Pompey after the battle. He turned his face to the east, once the scene of his conquests, but he had no friends on whom he could rely, and instead of going to Syria, as he at first intended, he was compelled to change his course, and accordingly he sailed to Pelusium, in the Delta of Egypt. Cæsar, who had pursued him with incredible celerity (Bell. Civil. iii. c. 102), arrived a little after Pompey had been treacherously murdered by Achillas, the commander of the troops of the young king Ptolemy, and L. Septimius, a Roman, who had served under Pompey in the war with the pirates. Pompey was fifty-eight years old at the time of his death.

The events which followed the death of Pompey need only be rapidly glanced at. The disputes in the royal family of Egypt and the interference of Cæsar brought on a contest between the Romans and the king's troops, which ended in a new settlement of the kingdom by the Roman general. (See the book on the Alexandrine war.) Here Cæsar formed his intimacy with Cleopatra, then in her twentythird year. Cleopatra afterwards followed him to Rome, where she was living at the time of Cæsar's death. [CLEOPATRA.] Early in the following year (B.c. 47), Cæsar marched into the province of Pontus,

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and entirely defeated Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, who had exercised great cruelties on the Roman citizens in Asia. He returned to Italy in the autumn, by way of Athens. At Brundisium he was met by Cicero (Plut., Cic., 39), who was glad to make his peace, and had no reason to be dissatisfied with his reception. On his return to Rome, Cæsar was named Dictator for one year, and consul for the following year, with Lepidus. During the winter he crossed over into Africa, where the party of Pompey had rallied under Scipio, gained a complete victory at the battle of Thapsus, and was again at Rome in the autumn of B.C. 46. In the year B.C. 45, Caesar was sole consul, and Dictator for the third time. During the greater part of this year he was absent in Spain, where Cn. Pompey, the son of Pompey the Great, had raised a considerable force, and was in possession of the southern part of the peninsula. The great battle of Munda, in which 30,000 men are said to have fallen on the side of Pompey, terminated the campaigns of Cæsar. Pompey was taken after the battle, and his head was carried to Cæsar, who was then at Hispalis (Seville). On his return to Rome, Cæsar was created consul for ten years, and Dictator for life. On the Ides (15th) of March, B.C. 44, he was assassinated in the senate-house. [BRUTUS.] After his death he was enrolled among the gods (Sueton., Caesar,' 88), under the appellation of 'DIVOS IVLIVS,' as appears from his medals.

VLIS

British Museum.

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Cæsar did not live long enough after acquiring the sovereign power to rebuild the crazy fabric of Roman polity which he had demolished in fact though not in form. But a state which had long been torn in pieces by opposing factions-whose constitutional forms served rather to cherish discord than to promote that general unity of interests without which no government can subsist-where life and property were exposed to constant risk-could find no repose except under one head. A bloody period followed the death of Cæsar, but the fortune of his name and family at last prevailed, and Rome and the world were happier under the worst of his successors than during the latter years of the so-called republic.

The energy of Caesar's character-his personal accomplishments and courage-his talents for war-and his capacity for civil affairs-combine to render him one of the most remarkable men of any age. Though a lover of pleasure, and a man of licentious habits, he never neglected what was a matter of business. He began that active career which has immortalised his name when he was forty years of age-a time of life when ordinary men's powers of enterprise are commonly deadened or extinguished. As a writer and an orator he has received the highest praise from Cicero; his 'Commentaries,' written in a plain perspicuous style, entirely free from all affectation, place him in the same class with Xenophon and those few individuals who have successfully united the pursuit of letters and philosophy with the business of active life. His projects were vast and magnificent; he seems to have formed designs (Suetonius, Cæs.' 44) far beyond what the ability of one man could execute, or the longest life could expect to see realised. His reform of the Roman calendar, under the direction of Sosigenes, and his intended consolidation of the then almost unmanageable body of Roman law, do credit to his judgment. He established public libraries, and gave to the learned Varro the care of collecting and arranging the books. Of the eight books of his 'Commentaries' the last is said to have been completed by some other hand. The three books of the Civil War' were written by Cæsar but the single books on the 'Alexandrine, African, and Spanish wars,' respectively, are generally attributed to another hand, though it is not at all unlikely that Cæsar left the materials behind him. He wrote a number of other things, the publication of which Augustus suppressed. The editions of the Commentaries' are very numerous; the best is that of Oudendorp, Leiden, 1757, 4to. They have been frequently translated into Spanish, French, English, Dutch, German, and Italian. The Greek translation of seven books of the Gallic War,' attributed to Planudes, was first printed in Jungermann's edition, Frankfurt, 1606, 4to.

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CESIUS BASSUS, a Roman lyric poet, who lived in the reign of Nero and Vespasian. Persius addressed his sixth satire to him. Quintilian (xi. 1) speaks of him as perhaps next, but still very inferior to Horace. The Scholiast on Persius (Sat. vi. 1) says that he was burnt with his house in an eruption of Mount Vesuvius. Only two lines of his poetry are preserved one by Priscian (x. p. 897, ed, Putsch.); the other by Diomedes (iii. p. 513, ed. Putsch.).

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CAGLIARI, or CALIA'RI, PAOLO, called PAOLO VERONESE, from the place of his birth, was the most eminent master in what may be termed the ornamental style of painting. He was born at Verona, in 1532 according to Ridolfi, but more probably in 1530; Zanetti Bays 1528. His father, Gabriele Cagliari, was a sculptor, and originally intended his son for his own profession; but, in consequence of the boy's determined preference for the sister art, he was placed under his uncle, Antonio Badile, to be taught painting. He improved rapidly, and very early in his life enjoyed an extensive and profitable patronage. While yet young he visited Venice, where he was commissioned to execute some paintings in the church and sacristy of St. Sebastian. The pictures excited universal admiration, from the originality of the style and the vivacity of the design. Commissions for oil paintings poured in upon him, and a portion of the walls of the ducal palace was allotted to him for embellishment. From this time his fame and wealth increased rapidly.

He subsequently went to Rome; and in the course of his life visited numerous towns of his native country, in which he left behind him many lasting memorials. He was so well satisfied with his honours and emoluments at home, that he declined accepting the invitation of Philip II. to visit Spain, and contribute some works to the Escurial. He lived a life of uninterrupted labour and success, and died at Venice in April 1588, leaving great wealth to his two sons, Gabriele and Carlo, who were also his pupils. They did not however attain their father's celebrity. Carlo died young. Gabriele is said to have abandoned painting for mercantile pursuits. Paolo had a brother, Benedetto Cagliari, who was a sculptor, but also practised painting: some of the fine architectural back-grounds which adorn the pictures of Paolo are attributed to him. Paolo Veronese ranks among the greatest masters of the art, especially as a colourist. His colouring is less true to nature than Titian's, and less glowing in the tints; but is rich and brilliant, and abounds in variety and pleasing contrasts. His style is florid and ornate, his invention easy and fertile, and his execution characterised by a masterly facility. His principal works are at Venice, but his productions are to be met with in most collections. One of his finest works, the 'Marriage at Cana,' is in the Louvre. Our own National Gallery contains three very important works by him.

CAGLIOSTRO, ALEXANDER, commonly called COUNT DE, one of the most impudent and successful impostors of modern times. His real name was Joseph Balsamo, and he was born at Palermo on the 8th of June 1743. His friends designed him for the monastic profession, but during his noviciate he ran away from his convent, and thenceforward lived upon his wits and the credulity of mankind. The first exercise of his ingenuity, in a public way, was to forge tickets of admission to the theatres. He then proceeded to forge a will, and having robbed his uncle, and being accused of a murder besides, he was thrown into prison. He was liberated, again imprisoned, and again set free; but was finally obliged to fly from Sicily for cheating a goldsmith of a large sum of money under pretence of showing him a hidden treasure. He went successively to Alexandria, Rhodes, Malta, Naples, Rome, and Venice, at one of which places he married a woman whose great beauty and profound immorality were very useful to him.

Quitting Italy this couple visited Holstein, where Cagliostro professed alchemy; and thence they went to Russia, Poland, &c. In 1780 they fixed themselves at Strasbourg, where the soi-disant count practised as a physician, and pretended to the art of making old women young. As his handsome wife, who was only twenty, vowed she was sixty, and had a son, a veteran captain in the Dutch service, they for a time obtained a good deal of practice among the old women of Strasbourg. Thence they went to Paris, where Cagliostro exercised the profitable profession of Egyptian free-masonry (as he called it), and pretended to show people the ghost of any of their departed friends. In 1785 he was deeply implicated with the Cardinal Duke de Rohan in the notorious affair of the diamond necklace in which the name and fame of Marie Antoinette, the unfortunate queen of France, were committed. Cagliostro was, in consequence, shut up for nine months in the Bastille; and on his expulsion froin France, he proceeded to England, where, during a stay of two years, he found no lack of credulity. What took him again to Rome we know not, but in December 1789, he was arrested in that city, imprisoned in the castle of Sant' Angelo, and after a long trial condemned to death for being -a freemason. (See 'Process,' &c., published at Rome-a very curious document.) His severe sentence was commuted to perpetual imprisonment, and he was transferred to the fortress of San Leo, where he died in 1795. His wife was also arrested, and condemned to pass the remainder of her life in a convent: she survived her husband several years.

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sional practice in it was deemed somewhat derogatory in one of his rank and station. For a while Cagnola held some official posts in the civil government of Milan; but at length ventured to put forth three different designs for the Porta Orientale, then about to be erected at Milan. Cagnola's designs were approved, but that by Piermarini was adopted, as being more economical. He now engaged the services of a clever artist, named Aureglio, and undertook a series of illustrations of the ancient baths of Maximian, near the church of San Lorenzo, published under the title of Antichità Lombardico-Milanesi ;' and he was afterwards employed by the government (1812) to secure from further ruin the sixteen noble Corinthian marble columns which constitute the chief remains of that monument of antiquity. The death of his father, in 1799, devolved upon Cagnola an important share in public affairs, when, besides being one of the state council, he was attached to the army commissariat in the Austrian service. On the change of the government by the establishment of the Cisalpine Republic, he withdrew from Milan, and spent about two years at Verona and Venice, fully occupied in studying the architectural treasures of those cities. Soon after his return, he erected in 1802 a noble villa for the brothers Zurla, at Cremi, near Vajano; and about the same period designed the magnificent 'catafalchi' for the funeral obsequies of Archbishop Viconti, the Patriarch Gamberi, and Count Anguissola, published in folio, 1802. On the marriage of the Viceroy Eugène Beauharnois with the Princess Amelia of Bavaria in 1806, he was called upon to erect another grand temporary structure; but such was the admiration excited by the arch constructed of wood on that occasion, that it was determined to perpetuate it in marble. Accordingly, the first stone of the Porta del Sempione, or, as it is now called, the Arco della Pace, was laid October 14, 1807. The political changes which afterwards took place threatened to put a stop to the work altogether, when it was not advanced beyond the piers of the arches. Almost the idea of its being ever completed had been abandoned, when, on his visit to Milan, the emperor Francis I. of Austria, ordered the works to be resumed; and from that time they were prosecuted without interruption, so that Cagnola saw the whole structure very nearly terminated before his death. With the exception of the Arc de l'Etoile at Paris, the Arco della Pace is by far the largest as well as most magnificent structure of the kind in modern times, and in its general mass it is equal to, even if it does not somewhat exceed, the largest of the ancient-the Arch of Constantine; it being 78 feet English wide, as many high, and about 27 feet deep.

Another public monument by him at Milan, which is greatly admired, is the Porta di Marengo, otherwise called Porta Ticinense, an Ionic propylæum, whose two fronts consist of a distyle in antis, consequently of three open intercolumns, and the two sides or ends are filled in with an open arch.

The Campanile at Urgnano in the Bergamasque territory, begun in 1824 and finished in 1829, exhibits more of design and composition than the preceding. It is a circular tower of three orders, Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian, upon a square rusticated basement, each order consisting of eight half-columns, and between those of the Corinthian order are as many open arches. Above this last rises an additional order of Caryatid figures supporting a hemispherical dome: the entire height from the ground is 58 metres, or 190 English feet. The elevation of this Campanile is engraved in the 'Ape delle Belle Arte,' Rome, 1835. Among other works executed by Cagnola are the chapel of Santa Marcellina in the church of San Ambrogio, at Milan; the church at Concorrezzo; the façade of that at Vivallo; and the church at Ghisalba in the Bergamasque. This last, which was not completed till after his death, in 1835, is his noblest work of the kind, and is a rotunda of the Corinthian order, with a portico of fourteen columns. The interior has sixteen columns of the same order. Besides those which were carried into execution, Cagnola produced a great number of designs and projects, in several of which he gave such free scope to his invention and grandezza of ideas, as to render their adoption hopeless; such, for instance, was that for an Hospitium on the summit of Mount Cenis, with no fewer than 110 columns 11 English feet in diameter-to which may be added his designs for a senatehouse and a magnificent triumphal bridge. He also indulged his taste without regard to cost in improving or nearly rebuilding his villa at Inverigo near Milan, which occupied him during the last years of his life, and which he directed to be completed by his widow.

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Cagnola died of apoplexy, August 14th, 1833, at the age of seventyone. There is a portrait of him in Förster's Bauzeitung' for 1838, with an accompanying memoir, to which we are indebted for some of the particulars in this article.

CAGNOʻLI, ANTOʻNIO, born at Zante, September 29, 1743. He was attached to the Venetian embassy at Paris, and formed a taste for astronomy and an intimacy with Lalande. He built an observatory in the Rue Richelieu, and continued to make it useful till 1786, when he went to Verona, where he built another. This last was damaged by French cannon shot in 1797, but the owner was indemnified by General Bonaparte, who removed him to Modena. He was afterwards president of the Italian Society, and died at Verona August 6, 1816. (Lalande, Bibliog. Astron.' p. 599.)

CAGNO LA, LUIGI, MARQUIS, one of the most distinguished Italian architects of the present century, was born at Milan in 1762, of an ancient patrician family. At the age of fourteen, Luigi was sent by his father, the Marchese Gætano Cagnola, to the Clementine College at Rome, and thence in 1781 to the university of Pavia, in order to study jurisprudence; but, although he was far from neglecting his Cagnoli wrote a work on trigonometry, first published at Verona in studies, his passion for architecture was insuperable, and he resolved Italian (1786), and translated into French by M. Chompré. The to devote himself exclusively to that art, notwithstanding that profes-second edition of the translation bears Paris, 1808. Besides this he

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