rewarded by a grant of 2500l. a year, to be raised from Lord Winchester's estates.

The king, who had passed the winter (1645-46) at Oxford, in a condition to the last degree disastrous and melancholy, in the month of May escaped from that city in disguise, and threw himself upon the protection of the Scottish army, then encamped at Newark. After some negociations, he was delivered up by the Scots to the parliamentary commissioners, who kept him prisoner at Holdenby, in Northamptonshire. In proportion as the king's power had diminished, the division between the Independents and Presbyterians had become daily more apparent. In the army, the majority, with Cromwell at their head, were Independents; in the parliament, Presbyterians. Each body, jealous of the other's power, began to strive for the mastery. At length the army rebelled against the parliament; and Cromwell, aware of the advantage that would be gained by the possession of the king's person, directed one Joyce, a young and enterprising soldier, to rescue the king from the hands of the commissioners of the parliament, and to deliver him to the army (June 1647). This scheme was quickly put into execution. Cromwell declared that he deeply regretted the disaffection which the army showed towards the parliament, but the members were not deceived. The Presbyterian members resolved, as soon as he should come into the House of Commons, to accuse the lieutenant-general of having promoted this schism, and to commit him to the Tower. Intelligence of these proceedings was quickly carried to the army; and Cromwell, perceiving that the crisis was desperate, and that some decided step must instantly be taken, hastened to the camp, where he procured himself to be invested with the chief command, and then, threatening the unpopular parliament, marched southward to St. Alban's. As long as there remained any balance between the rival powers in the state, each sought the support of the royal name, and the king's cause appeared not altogether hopeless; he was courted alike by the Presbyterians and by Cromwell. But when the leaders of the army established their dominion, the case was altered. At a conference at Windsor, opened with prayers by Cromwell himself, he announced that he had given up all belief in the royal promises, and opened the daring counsel of punishing the king by judicial sentence. The time however was not quite at hand for this bold measure. The king was left in custody in the Isle of Wight, and Cromwell again took the field against the Scots in the north and the Welsh in the west, making preparations at the same time to resist an invasion from Holland threatened by Prince Rupert, to whom seventeen English ships had deserted. Again he was victorious; and his army returned to London, where they broke violently into the parliament-house while the members were in debate, seizing some, and excluding others, by the direction of Colonel Pride. The king's trial now (January 1649) commenced. Cromwell was appointed a member of the court, and attended every meeting of it but one; and when the sentence was passed he was the third who signed the warrant for the execution. He was now beset with entreaties to spare the king's life, but his answer to all was an echo of that to his cousin Colonel Cromwell: "Go to rest, and expect no answer to carry to the prince, for the council of officers have been seeking God, as I also have done, and it is resolved by them all that the king must die." The execution followed accordingly. Five days afterwards the House of Lords was voted useless; and a council of state was formed, with Bradshaw for president and Cromwell a principal member. Difficulties soon crowded round their government. A mutiny broke out in the army, which required the immediate presence of the lieutenant-general, but was soon suppressed by him, after the execution of three of the ringleaders.

In Ireland the majority were still hostile to the parliament, and an army had been sent there to reduce the royalists to submission. Cromwell having been appointed Lord-Lieutenant and Commander-inChief in Ireland, joined the troops in August 1619. He besieged and took | Drogheda (or Tredah as it was then usually called) by storm, gave no quarter to the garrison, and proceeded to capture Wexford, Kilkenny, and Clonmell. Wexford, like Drogheda, resisted, and was stormed, 2000 of the garrison found within being put to death; the other towns terrified by so frightful a slaughter at once surrendered. In nine months the country was nearly subdued. Satisfied with his success, he left to Ireton the conduct of the troops against his panic-struck adversaries; and having sailed for Bristol, proceeded to London, where he was received with fresh honours by the parliament.

The children of the late king had suffered deeply from their fallen fortunes: one had died of grief at her father's execution, another had been sent out of the kingdom by Cromwell, and Prince Charles, the heir to the crown, poor and neglected, had lived sometimes in Holland, at other times either in Jersey or in France. At length he was induced by the Scottish army to take shelter among them, a protection which he bought by subscription to the covenant, and submission to restrictions so severe as almost to render him a prisoner. Whatever might be the circumstances under which this junction was formed, the return of Charles to his kingdom could not fail to alarm the English. It was instantly resolved to march northward with all. the troops that could be raised. Fairfax, himself a Presbyterian, refused to lead the forces, and Cromwell was therefore nominated to the command, and became the general of the Commonwealth. This

EIOG. DIV. VOL. IL

vast accession to his power induced him to resign the lieutenancy of Ireland; the prospect of removing Ludlow to that post is said to have formed an additional reason for his withdrawal. Cromwell was thought to be jealous of the influence of Ludlow, who, though he did not receive this appointment, was ultimately set aside by his promotion to an official situation in that kingdom. After these and other preparations, he began his march with 16,000 men (1650). He reached the neighbourhood of Edinburgh unopposed, but at Musselburgh the Scottish army under Leslie was encamped, and there the two armies continued for nearly a month watching each other. At length Cromwell withdrew, and his opponents followed him to Dunbar, where a battle became inevitable. The battle of Dunbar was gained by the English, and Edinburgh and Perth were taken. Upon this the king suddenly marched into England. Cromwell, who had not expected this movement, sent expresses to the parliament to inform them of what had taken place, and with forced marches pursuing the king, brought him to an engagement near Worcester, the result of which was a total defeat of the royalists (September 3, 1651). For this complete victory the parliament rewarded him with fresh honours and an additional pension of 4000l. a year.

The battle of Worcester placed Cromwell avowedly at the head of public affairs. His views of the kind of government required by the state of the nation were, according to Whitelock, now shadowed forth at a meeting of army officers and members of parliament, which he called together at the speaker's house immediately on his arrival in town. He told them that what the nation plainly needed was a settlement with somewhat of monarchical power in it. He had made up his mind that there must be government by a single person whatever was the title he took: perhaps he thought that he was that person. But it was not the right time yet. War broke out with Holland, and that fully occupied his attention and engrossed the thoughts of the nation. At length (1653), perceiving that the remnant of the parliament became daily more jealous of his power, he determined to put an end to their authority. He first sent them a remonstrance; his next movement was to enter the House (April 20, 1653) with an armed force, seize the mace, and to declare to them, "You are no longer a parliament: the Lord has done with you; he has chosen other instruments for carrying on his work." Loading the members with abuse, he drove them before him out of the House. Thus was the memorable 'Long Parliament' dissolved: and with it disappeared all regularly constituted authority. Power, self-assumed, was wholly in the hands of Cromwell: but it was as captain-general that he wielded it. He now formed an interim council of state, composed chiefly of his principal officers, and their first step was to summon by name 139 persons, some gentry, some mechanics, all of them puritaus, and to constituto them a parliament. It was obvious that such an assembly could in no way assist in the government of the realm. They met for the first time on the 4th of July 1653. One measure only seemed to be expected from them, and that they quickly determined upon; it was to surrender (December 12, 1653) their power to Cromwell, who, after their voluntary resignation, was declared 'Protector' by a council of the officers of his army, and solemnly installed into his diguity, February 16, 1654.

The first charter of the Commonwealth was drawn up by the same council of officers: it was called the Instrument of Government.' The second, called the 'Petition and Advice,' was framed in May, 1657, by the parliament which the Protector had assembled in the previous year. Under the first charter, the English government may be ranged among republics, with a chief magistrate at its head. Under the second it became substantially a monarchy, and Oliver Cromwell, from 1657 to his death, was de facto king of England. (Hallam, 'Const. Hist.' ii. 421.) The difficulties of his administration were great, but they were surmounted by his vigorous abilities, which shone forth as much in wielding his power as in obtaining it. That he was both arbitrary and despotic cannot be denied. Such was the temper of the country, and, notwithstanding his general popularity, such the number of his open or secret enemies, that immediate and forcible action, though sometimes illegal and tyrannical, was absolutely required. There were opposed to him the royalists, who were still numerous; the nobility, to whom he was hateful; the whole body of Presby terians, who were jealous of having no share in the power which they had helped to gain; and in the army, the mutinous and disaffected 'Levellers.' Severe measures then were requisite, and at times they certainly were used,-not, however, without apparent reluctance. The point that seemed most to perplex him was the calling together of parliaments: he would neither reign with them nor without them. His first parliament met in September 1653; he found it as intractable as Charles had found his parliaments, and he abruptly dissolved it in the following January, in direct contradiction to the advice of Whitelock and his friends generally, who recollected the abuse that had been poured upon King Charles under similar circumstances. In 1656 his successes at home and abroad encouraged him to assemble another parliament. Ireland, being in the hands of the army, elected such officers as he nominated; Scotland was nearly equally subservient to him; still the majority was unfavourable to his policy. The next step was difficult. He ordered the doors of the House of Commons to be guarded, and that no member should be admitted unless he produced an order from his council. Thus he excluded nearly one

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hundred members who were obnoxious to him.

Thus 'purified,' this assembly voted a renunciation of all title to the throne in the family of the Stuarts; and Colonel Jephson moved that the crown should be bestowed upon Cromwell. A conference was soon afterwards appointed (1657), at which the Protector's scruples respecting the assumption of the title of king were stated and argued. His mind was wavering whether he should accept or whether he should forbear. But his prudence ultimately prevailed; he knew that the danger of acceding would be imminent, while the increase of power would be trifling; the odium in which the army had been taught to hold the regal title could never be overcome, and therefore he consented unwillingly to reject it. The proposition for a house of lords, which accompanied the offer of the crown to himself, he however adopted; and an upper house of sixty-three persons was summoned, January 20th, 1658. But this experiment failed; the houses neither agreed with each other, nor supported him; and on the 4th of February, after a session of only a fortnight, they were unceremoniously dissolved.

up.

As Cromwell's treatment of his parliaments was arbitrary, so also were his dealings with the courts of justice. He degraded three judges, and so intimidated the barristers that they feared to uphold clients whose causes were contrary to the Protector's wishes. To give an instance of this oppression-One Cory having refused to pay the heavy tax of ten per cent. which was ordered to be levied upon the property of all royalists, sued the collector. Three eminent counsel, Maynard, Twisden, and Wyndham, were employed in his cause; but Cromwell, without suffering them to enter into their argument, sent them to the Tower even for accepting the brief. Sir Peter Wentworth having brought a similar action, was asked by the council if he would give it "If you command me," he replied to Cromwell, "I must submit." The Protector did command, and the action was withdrawn. Equally tyrannical were the means which were used for the erection of the courts, by which, in 1654, Gerard and Vowel, and, in 1658, Slingsby and Hewit, were brought to the scaffold. These, and similar acts, rendered Cromwell hateful to a large number of his subjects. He had suppressed some royalist insurrections at Salisbury, and executed the leaders in 1655; but now he entertained fears from the republicans also. Major Wildman, a republican, was arrested for a conspiracy against him; and such was the ill-will shown to him by the democratic soldiery as to cause anxiety for his personal safety. One Sindercome, who by an accident alone had been prevented from murdering him, was arrested and condemned; but he committed suicide before the day appointed for his execution. The foreign policy of the protector was magnanimous, enterprising, and ultimately successful. He interfered more than would be regarded as tolerable now; but his interferences were generally to protect the oppressed; and by his firmness and prudence he made his government respected by foreign princes as scarcely any English government had ever been before. Many memorable victories were achieved under the parliament and under Cromwell. "It is just to say," observes Mr. Hallam (Const. Hist.,' vol. ii.), "that the maritime glory of England may first be traced from the era of the Commonwealth in a track of continuous light." A treaty, consequent on the successes of Blake, was honourably concluded with the Dutch. An expedition, more politic than just, was made against the West India colonies of Spain; it ended in failure and disappointment, although it gained for England the island of Jamaica, a greater and more advantageous possession than many triumphs have produced. An alliance was concluded with France in 1655 to act in conjunction against the Spanish forces in the Low Countries; Mardyke and Dunkirk were taken, and the Spaniards were afterwards wholly defeated at Dunes. Denmark, Portugal, and Sweden eagerly sought the protector's friendship; ambassadors flocked to his court, bearing the most conciliatory and adulatory messages. The anxiety of all princes to be allied with so recent an usurper is in fact not a little remarkable. The servility of some powers was extreme, as has been proved by several curious instances which have been collected by Mr. Harris. ('Life of Cromwell,' p. 352; and see the Appendix to Guizot's 'Life of Cromwell.') Towards the end of his life, Cromwell appears to have become moody and suspicious. He knew that he had few personal adherents, that his life was in danger from the more unscrupulous of both the parties whose hopes he had crushed, and all whose machinations he had hitherto discovered and thwarted. He saw too that neither in his own family nor among the public servants were there any fitted to carry on the work he had commenced. That he was personally unpopular, that his government was hateful to the people, he could have little doubt; and no wonder is it therefore that as he felt age rapidly coming on and health failing he should have grown melancholy, and looked with gloomy anticipations to the future. His death was hastened by that of his favourite daughter, Lady Claypole, who died at Hampton Court, August 6, 1658, aged twenty-nine. A fortnight later he himself was stricken down by fever. By the advice of his physicians, he was removed for better air to Whitehall, and there he died, on the 3rd of September 1658, the anniversary of the victory of Dunbar, and of the 'crowning glory' of Worcester. His body was laid in state at Somerset House, and then buried with the utmost possible solemnity in that famous sepulchre of the kings, Henry VII.'s Chapel at Westminster. But after the restoration his corpse was disinterred, and having been by the orders of the poor-spirited monarch first hung

on the gallows at Tyburn, the head was fixed upon a pole at Westminster Hall, and the rest of the poor remains were thrust into a hole at the foot of the gallows.

The character of Cromwell has formed a fertile subject for historians and essayists. We have no intention to add to the number. It may be enough here to remark that the real greatness of the man, whatever be thought of his conduct in seizing on the supreme authority, is now becoming more and more generally understood and acknowledged by thoughtful men of all shades of opinion. For this better appreciation of Cromwell, much is undoubtedly due to his 'Letters and Speeches,' as edited and 'elucidated' by Carlyle; and to that work we refer the student who is desirous of coming as near as may be to the inner workings of Cromwell's mind, and of understanding the real significance of this great period in English history. He will do well also to peruse carefully the calm and impartial examination of Cromwell and his times by one of the most distinguished of living French statesmen, M. Guizot, whose position and experience, no less than his attainments and ability, eminently qualify him for such a task.

The resemblance between the fortunes of Cromwell and of him who in more recent times raised himself from insignificance to a throne, is strong enough to strike the generality of readers. Mr. Hallam has stated ('Const. Hist.') the most striking points in the parallel. But the conclusion of Bonaparte's life was very unlike that of the Protector; the fortunes of one had declined for years before his death, the other retained his authority to the last hour.

Cromwell left six children, two sons and four daughters. Of the daughters, Bridget was twice married, first to Ireton, and afterwards to Fleetwood; Elizabeth was the wife of John Clayton, Esq.; Mary married Lord Fauconberg; and Frances was wife first to Mr. Rich and afterwards to Sir John Russell of Chippenham. The sons are noticed below. His widow survived till 1665, when she died in the house of her son-in-law Claypole, at Norborough in Lincolnshire.

(Clarendon, Hist. of Rebellion; Hallam, Const. Hist.; Noble, Memoirs of Cromwell's Family; Tracts on the Civil Wars; Harris, Life of Oliver Cromwell; Carlyle, Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches; Southey; Guizot; Villemain; and the various Histories of England.) CROMWELL, RICHARD, the third son of Oliver Cromwell the Protector, but the eldest that survived him, was born at Huntingdon on the 4th of October 1626. He was educated at Felstead, in Essex, with his brothers Henry and Oliver, and thence removed to Lincoln's Inn, where he was admitted in 1647. His study of the law was only nominal, his time being in fact to a great extent wasted in the pursuit of pleasure. Although he had arrived at an age when it would have been most natural for him to have desired to join his father's troops, he appears to have shown little inclination to do so. Besides indolence and apathy, many causes have been assigned for this want of enterprise; some have supposed that his father would not suffer him to take arms; others, that Richard Cromwell's political opinions differed from the Protector's; and that as his companions were chiefly cavaliers, and the king's health had often been drunk at their carousals, he was favourable to the royal rather than the parliamentary cause. There is however no clear evidence to prove this last fact, unless we may reckon as such the fact that Richard, averse to spilling blood, when the king was condemned, petitioned his father for a remission of the sentence.

At the age of twenty-three he married Dorothy, the eldest daughter of Richard Major, Esq., of Hursley, in Hampshire, a lady sprung from a good family, endowed with many virtues, and possessed of a considerable fortune. This change in his circumstances induced him to leave his residence in London, and to establish himself at Hursley, where he lived in complete retirement, following the sports of the field and other rural pursuits. As soon however as Oliver Cromwell was made Protector, he called Richard from his obscurity, and nominated him for the counties of Monmouth and Southampton, for which he was elected member of parliament in 1654. His appointment as first lord of trade and navigation followed his election. In 1656, he was again chosen member of parliament for Hampshire and the University of Cambridge; and in the following year succeeded his father in the chancellorship of Oxford.

An accident now befel him which nearly cost him his life. After a levee held by the Protector, whilst he and other members of parlia ment were standing on the upper steps within the banqueting-house, the supporters gave way, and the whole staircase fell with an alarming crash; youth and a good constitution alone enabled him to recover from the fractures and other injuries that he sustained. After his health was restored, his father, still anxious for his elevation, made him a privy councillor, a colonel in the army, and leader of the newly-constituted House of Lords. When his father felt that his life was drawing to a close, in the summer of 1658, he sent for his eldest son to attend him in his sickness. Richard Cromwell immediately obeyed the summons, and found the symptoms of his father's illness such as to make him extremely apprehensive for its result. In a letter written in August to a friend near Abingdon ('Parl. Hist.' 21, p. 223), he expresses in feeling and sensible terms the fears which he entertained for his life. On the 3rd of September 1658, Oliver Cromwell died, and on the next day Richard Cromwell received the sceptre of the Commonwealth.

For a short time the peace of the kingdom was undisturbed, and

respect was paid to the new Protector at home by his subjects, and abroad by all foreign states. Thurloe, Whitelock, and Broghill were his chief counsellors, and in ordinary circumstances they would have made judicious advisers. But they were, in the face of so many opposing elements, incompetent to their task: and Richard Cromwell was wholly devoid of the energy which his affairs demanded. In such hands tranquillity could not long be maintained: the aspect of affairs very soon began to change. Discontents prevailed; the want of resources was felt; it became necessary to call a parliament (1659), for there was in the treasury no money with which to fulfil the engagements with foreign princes, that had been entered into by the late Protector. It was feared that the elections would go against the court; and every means were therefore taken to bias them. Oliver Cromwell's reformed model of representation was abandoned, and the right of returning members was restored to small boroughs, which, from gratitude, it was thought would be favourable to the court: but notwithstanding this, and all the other efforts of the government, the number of presbyterian and republican members nearly equalled that of the ministerial party. In the parliament, then, the weakness of the Protector's government was most apparent. Still it was to this body that he must trust; for in the army he had scarce any friends at all; the whole republican party were combining against his authority; Lambert was intriguing for his overthrow: even Fleetwood, his own brother-in-law, joined the discontented officers, whose faction, from the name of Fleetwood's house, in which they met, was called the 'Cabal of Wallingford House.' Richard, who possessed neither penetration nor resolution, took no step to subdue these rebels; the parliament, more alarmed, took the case in their own hands. A vote was passed that no council of officers should assemble without the Protector's consent: this brought the rupture to a crisis. The army demanded the dissolution of the parliament, which the Protector wanted resolution to deny. The dissolution was equivalent to his dethronement, and he soon afterwards signed his demission in form (22nd April 1659). His brief reign ended, Richard Cromwell descended into humble life, to the enjoyment of which his feeble unambitious character was better adapted than to the possession of power. He had no qualities which fitted him to rule. He was burdened with debts, arising partly from the pompous funeral of his father, the cost of which, amounting to 28,000, the state unworthily suffered to descend upon him. To assist him in these difficulties, the parliament voted him 20,000, annexing a condition that he should leave the palace of Whitehall. In consequence of this grant, he retired to Hampton Court, but so small a portion of the money was paid, that he was still in danger of being arrested by his creditors. To leave England was his only method of escape from them, and accordingly he resided sometimes in Geneva and sometimes at Paris. At length he ventured to return to this country: a house was hired for him at Cheshunt, near London, where at first he concealed himself under a feigned name, and continued to live in strict privacy, until July 13, 1712, when he died in his eighty-sixth year. Richard Cromwell was the father of two sons and seven daughters: four of his children died young, and two only survived him. (Hallam, Const. Hist.; Noble's Memoirs; Guizot, History of Richard Cromwell and the Restoration—especially the valuable documents in the Appendix; and the various Histories.) CROMWELL, HENRY, the fourth son of Oliver Cromwell, Lord Protector, but the second and youngest that survived him, was born at Huntingdon in January 1627-28. He was educated at Felstead in Essex, and early enrolled in the parliamentary army. In 1649, having become a colonel, he went with his father to Ireland, where he behaved with considerable gallantry. He was one of the members for that kingdom in the Bare-Bones Parliament. He married in 1653 a daughter of Sir Francis Russell of Chippenham in Cambridgeshire, and resided at Whitehall until he was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, being at the time (1654) a member for the University of Cambridge. During the following year he was again sent to Ireland. It had become absolutely necessary that the estates and property of the natives should be protected from the rapacity of the republican leaders, who were aggrandising themselves at their expense; and Henry Cromwell was considered a fit person to undertake this task, both on account of his general abilities and the great esteem in which he was held in that country. The expectations of his friends were not disappointed, for the state received considerable benefit from his services as soon as he succeeded Fleetwood in his office. The impossibility of procuring money from England, and the limitations of his power, materially diminished his usefulness. At length, from these causes, his government became so irksome to him that his letters are one series of complaints, interspersed with offers to resign. Still further mortification however was in store for him. When his brother Richard became Protector, the council, over which he had little or no control, contracted still further the power of Henry Cromwell, who, in exchange for the title of Lord Deputy, received that of Lord Lieutenant-a miserable recompense for his lost authority. After the deposition of his brother, Henry Cromwell was desirous of keeping Ireland for the king, and it was not until his submission was forcibly required by the parliament, that his object was finally relinquished. Henry now retired to Chippenham, whence in five or six years he removed to his estate at Soham in Cambridgeshire, where

he spent the remainder of his days, and died on the 25th of March 1674-75. Henry Cromwell had five sons and two daughters: one of his children died young; the rest survived him. CROMWELL, THOMAS, was born at Putney, near London, where, as is said, his father was a blacksmith, and afterwards a brewer. The date of his birth is not recorded, but it was probably about 1490. He was taught reading, writing, and a little Latin; and as soon as he grew up went to the continent, where he learned several foreign languages. He became clerk in an extensive factory at Antwerp, whence he was taken to Rome (1510) by some citizens of Boston in Lincolnshire, who thought that he would be of assistance to them in some business that they had with the pope. During this journey he learned by heart Erasmus's translation of the New Testament, and he continued to improve himself during his residence in Italy. Foxe states that Cromwell was present at the sack of Rome by the Duke of Bourbon, but this must be erroneous, as that event did not occur till 1527, whereas it is almost certain that he was in the service of Wolsey as early as 1525. Dr. Lingard says that "in his early youth Cromwell served as a trooper in the wars of Italy, and from the army passed to the service of a Venetian merchant," on quitting whom he returned to England. It is in fact highly probable that he returned to England in or about 1517, as somewhere about that time he married the daughter and heiress of Sir John Prior, knight, and widow of a Welsh gentleman named Williams. On his return to England Cromwell was received into Cardinal Wolsey's house, became his solicitor, and the chief agent in the foundation of his colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. He was also chosen a member of the House of Commons, where he increased his fame by his defence of Wolsey, who had there been indicted for treason. After the cardinal's disgrace, Cromwell was taken into the service of the king; in 1531 he was knighted, and made privy-councillor and master of the jewel-house. It is said that about this time Cromwell first suggested to Henry the project of throwing off the supremacy of the pope in ecclesiastical affairs. Certain it is that from this time he became the close confidant and adviser of the king, and that he rapidly rose to the most important offices in the state. In 1532 he became clerk of the hanaper in the Court of Chancery, and afterwards chancellor of the exchequer; in 1534 he was principal secretary of state, master of the rolls, and chancellor of the university of Cambridge; in 1535, visitor-general of English monasteries; and in 1536 keeper of the privy seal. He now resigned the mastership of the rolls, and was created Baron Cromwell of Okeham in Rutlandshire, and appointed vicar-general and vicegerent, in all religious matters the next in authority to the king, who was now the supreme head of the English church. His friendship with Cranmer was intimate, and their views respecting the Reformation very similar. It being Cromwell's object to destroy the pope's authority, he circu lated new articles of faith, and enjoined the clergy to preach the king's supremacy, to remove images from their altars, and to promote the religious education of all young persons, teaching them the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments. He commanded English Bibles to be placed in the churches, and took active means for the dissolution of the monasteries. These alterations, together with the great increase of his wealth, some of which it was suspected that he obtained by dishonest means, rendered him extremely unpopular, so that there were not wanting many enemies who endeavoured to prejudice the king against him. The king's esteem for him could not however be shaken: in 1537 he was appointed chief justice of all forests beyond Trent, and in August in the same year was elected knight of the garter, and nominated dean of Wells. The long list of Cromwell's titles and official appointments is still far from completed. In 1538 he was made constable of Carisbrook castle, and obtained a grant of the castle and lordship of Okeham. About this time he issued various injunctions [CRANMER] to the clergy, by one of which parishregisters were established; and in 1539, after having received from the king some thirty monastic manors and valuable estates, he was created Earl of Essex, and named lord chamberlain of England; at the same time Gregory, his son, obtained the barony of Okeham. Hitherto there had been little check to the career of Cromwell's prosperity: his favour at Court had always been sufficient to stifle any popular complaints, but he now became aware that both Cranmer and himself were declining in the royal estimation. Gardiner (bishop of Winchester) and his party had gained some ascendancy over the king, and in proportion as the power of these advocates of the Roman Catholic faith increased, the influence of the reformers declined, and both they and their doctrines became unacceptable at court. In order to regain his former ground, or at least to intrench himself firmly in the powerful position which he still retained, Cromwell lost no opportunity of promoting Henry's marriage with Anne of Cleves, taking care to set before the king, as often as circumstances permitted, the many advantages which would arise from such a union. The cause of Cromwell's great zeal was this: Anne and all her friends were Lutherans, and Cromwell counted upon great support from a queen of his own choice, whose religious opinions were in direct oppo. sition to the Roman Catholics. The complete failure of this scheme became the ruin of its contriver. An aversion to the promoter of the marriage quickly followed the king's disgust and disappointment at his ugly bride, and Henry now willingly opened his ears to the flood of complaints which were poured into them from every quarter,

To the laity Cromwell was hateful, on account of the oppressive subsidies that he had raised notwithstanding the large sums which had accrued from the dissolution of the monasteries; to the nobility he was still more odious, on account of the titles and power that he had obtained notwithstanding the meanness of his birth; and to the Roman Catholics he was an object of aversion and horror, on account of the Protestant doctrines that he held and promulgated. As soon then as it was apparent that the capricious king, who had elevated him from an humble individual to be the most powerful subject in the realm, was no longer willing to support him, his downfal was certain. The numerous important acts of his administration supplied his enemies with abundant proofs of malversation and treason. He was arrested on the 10th of June 1540, and committed to prison. The letters that he wrote to the king praying for mercy were disregarded, though the king read them thrice over: he was accused on the 17th of June in the House of Lords, which sent the bill of attainder down to the House of Commons on the 19th. Here some objections were raised against the bill; but after a delay of ten days a new bill was framed by the Commons, which the Lords afterwards passed. This bill contained twelve articles of impeachment, accusing him, among other crimes, of being "the most false and corrupt traitor and deceiver that had been known in that reign," "of being a detestable heretic," and "of having acquired innumerable sums of money and treasure by oppression, bribery, and extortion." To these accusations he was not allowed to answer in court, for fear, as it may be supposed, that he would prove the king's orders, directions, or consent for doing many things of which he was accused. He was kept in close custody for six weeks, when any hope that he might have entertained of a reprieve was put an end to; the charms of Catherine Howard and the endeavours of the Duke of Norfolk and the Bishop of Winchester prevailed, and the king signed a warrant for his execution, which took place on Tower Hill on the 28th of July 1540. Thus fell this great minister, of whom, as indeed of most of his contemporaries, very opposite characters have been handed down to us by historians. His virtues are greatly magnified by the advocates of the Reformation, his vices by its opponents. It appears doubtful, from a speech that he made at his death, in which religion he died; but it is very probable that he was a Lutheran, and that he used the term Catholic Faith (which some have held was intentionally ambiguous in his speech and afterwards in Cranmer's) in the Lutheran meaning of the term. Cromwell was no patriot: his own interest, elevation, and aggrandisement seem always to have been uppermost in his thoughts. He was ambitious, unscrupulous, rapacious, hypocritical, aud suspicious. To counterbalance these evil qualities he had few virtues. He is said to have shown cruelty in the condemnation and execution of some heretics, but he could scarce have been without benevolence, for about 200 persons (Stow's 'Survey ') were fed twice a day at his gate. He had a powerful understanding; a clear insight into political affairs; a very retentive memory; and his attention to business was frequent and assiduous. He was the promoter of many useful alterations in the laws, and especially in those respecting the church. These were his chief merits. In passing judgment upon him, the remembrance of the reckless tyrannical caprice of his master, of the rapidity of his own advancement, together with the licentiousness of the times, should enhance the value of his merits, and temper our condemnation of his crimes.

(Foxe, Acts and Monuments; Stow, Annals; Strype, Memorials; Lord Herbert, and other Histories of England; Burnet, Reform.; Collier, Ecclesias. Hist.)

CROSSE, ANDREW. [See vol. vi. col. 989.]

CROTCH, WILLIAM, Doctor of Music, was born in 1775, in the city of Norwich. While yet a child, he exhibited faculties of musical perception and execution which were quite marvellous, and rival those of Mozart. An account of his precocious talents was given by Dr. Burney, author of the History of Music,' and is printed in the 'Philosophical Transactions' for 1779, when the infant prodigy was only four years of age. Some anecdotes are also extant, written by the Hon. Daines Barrington, who says, "I first heard little Crotch on the 10th of December 1778, when he was only three years and a half old." The following notices are extracted from the memoranda which he made on returning home: "Plays 'God save the King' and 'Minuet de la Cour' almost throughout with chords; reaches a sixth with his little finger; cries 'no,' when I purposely introduced a wrong note; delights in chords and running notes for the bass; plays for ten minutes extemporary passages, which have a tolerable connection with each other; seldom looks at the harpsichord, and yet generally hits the right intervals, though distant from each other. His father is an ingenious carpenter of Norwich, and had made an organ. His organ rather of a hard touch. Many of his passages hazarded and singular, some of which he executed by his knuckles, tumbling bis hands over the keys. The accuracy of this child's ear is such that he not only pronounces immediately what note is struck, but in what key the music is composed."

As Crotch advanced in years he became a profound theorist and a skilful composer. In 1797, at the early age of twenty-two, he was appointed Professor of Music in the University of Oxford, and the university also conferred on him the degree of Doctor of Music. In 1822 he was appointed Principal of the Royal Academy of Music.

He performed in public for the last time in 1834 in Westminster Abbey, during the royal festival, when he presided at the organ on the third day. Dr. Crotch composed a very large number of pieces for the organ and pianoforte, the opera of Palestine,' and some pleasing vocal pieces, among which may be mentioned the fine ode for five voices, Mona on Snowdon calls.' He also published Elements of Musical Composition and Thorough-Bass,' 1812, and 'Specimens of various Styles of Music of all Ages,' 3 vols.

Dr. Crotch, during the latter years of his life, resided at Taunton, Somersetshire, with his son, the Rev. W. R. Crotch, master of the free grammar-school. He died December 29, 1847, when sitting at the dinner-table.

CROWNE, JOHN, an industrious play-writer, of the time of Charles II., was the son of an Independent preacher in Nova Scotia. Coming to England, and serving an old lady for some time as gentleman-usher, he next became an author by profession. He had the equivocal honour of being brought forward by the Earl of Rochester, as a dramatic rival of Dryden; and, even after he had been cast off by his capricious patron, he retained the court favour he had gained. His satires on the Whigs, especially in one of his comedies, were about to be rewarded by a post or pension, when he was disappointed by the king's death. The latter part of his life is very obscure; but he is believed to have died soon after 1703. He left in print seventeen plays. The tragedies, rhymed and bombastic, are among the worst specimens of the corrupt taste which then ruled in the drama. In the construction of the plots they and his comedies are alike perplexed and undramatic. But the comedies are his best works, and have some merit in their portraiture of characters. His two tragedies entitled "The Destruction of Jerusalem' were highly popular when first represented; and his comedy of 'Sir Courtly Nice,' translated or imitated by him from the Spanish by desire of Charles II, was oftener than once reprinted.

CROZIER, CAPTAIN FRANCIS RAWDON MOIRA, second in command of the ill-fated Franklin expedition, was born at Banbridge, county Down, Ireland. He entered the navy in June 1810, and, under the command of Sir Thomas Staines, he sailed in the 'Briton' to the Pacific, and visited Pitcairn's Island, which was found peopled by the descendants of the mutineers of the Bounty.' In 1821 he was appointed master's-mate of the Fury,' and he accompanied Parry in three of his voyages to the Polar Sea.

In 1826 Mr. Crozier was made lieutenant, and was employed on the coasts of Spain and Portugal till December 1835, when he sailed with Captain (now Sir) James Ross, to search for the missing whalers in Baffin's Bay. His reputation for science, seamanship, and fertility of resource, secured his promotion; and he commanded the Terror' in the expedition under Sir J. Ross for the exploration of the antarctic regions, which sailed in 1839, and was absent three years. In March 1845 he was re-commissioned to the 'Terror,' and sailed with Franklin to discover the north-west passage: since which time he has not been heard of. He was in the prime of life on his departure, and died probably in his fiftieth year. He was a Fellow of the Royal and Astronomical societies.

CRUDEN, ALEXANDER. [See vol. vi. col. 990.]

* CRUIKSHANK, GEORGE, was born in London September 1792. From his father, who was an artist of some standing, he acquired the principles of design, probably also of caricature, as the elder Cruikshank occasionally practised in that line. But George was not brought up to follow his father's profession, and it was some time before he hit upon his right vocation: he is even said to have thought seriously of adopting the theatrical calling, and for a while to have trod the stage. His earliest designs were made for publishers of cheap song and childrens' books; but his satiric vein soon came to the surface, and in the Scourge,' and one or two other periodicals, he early showed his proficiency that way. Having become acquainted with Mr. William Hone, he found for some time abundant occupation in making designs for the political and other publications of that gentleman. The Queen's trial in particular afforded him ample matter. One work, the Queen's Matrimonial Ladder,' for which he furnished the cuts, so caught the public fancy that it quickly ran through some fifty editions. Non Mi Ricordo,' the Political House that Jack Built,' the Political Showman,' and 'A Slap at Slop, or the Bridge-Street Gang,' had nearly equal success. But he soon began to tire of personal and political caricature, and after Mr. Hone ceased to publish works of that kind (about 1823-24), Mr. Cruikshank we believe did not, with very rare exceptions, make any more political designs. He now turned to the illustration of humorous tales, and the delineation of passing follies. Great as had been his success in his former field, it was more than equalled in this. There was a keenness of observation, a spirit and variety of expression, and a genuine humour-in a word, an unmistake able comic genius visible in these thoroughly original designs, which every one felt to be irresistible. It may fairly be doubted whether more hearty fun was ever embodied in designs than appeared in those which flowed with marvellous rapidity from Mr. Cruikshank's pencil between the years 1824-40. Before the first of these years he had been designing with great skill, but somewhat coarsely, a variety of aquatint plates for such works as 'Tom and Jerry' and 'Life in Paris;' about the last-named year he sailed into the sentimental latitudes, and spoiled his style by giving up his time to etching a series of coarse