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profession, turned to literature for support as well as fame. For some years he conducted the 'Journal de Jurisprudence.' His advocacy of liberal views had brought him into connection with some of the more active promoters of the revolution of 1830, and shortly after that event he was appointed procureur-general for Corsica. But he was dissatisfied with the constitution of July as not sufficiently democratic, and he for some time delayed to depart for the scene of his new duties. At length when he was compelled to go, his first act on arriving at Bastia was to deliver an official address, in which he denounced the new charter, and pointed out in detail its deficiencies, This of course could not be tolerated, and M. Cabet was summarily recalled. He at once threw himself into the ranks of the opposition. Chosen by one of the electoral colleges of Dijon, he made himself conspicuous in the Chamber of Deputies by the violence of his harangues, and at the same time he published several pamphlets, and established a newspaper 'Le Populaire' of ultra-democratic tendencies. For certain strictures on the king he was, in February 1834, prosecuted, and being found guilty was condemned to two years' imprisonment and a heavy penalty. He however escaped to England, where he remained till the amnesty of 1839 permitted him to return to Paris; soon after which he published a 'Histoire de la Révolution de 1789,' the fruit of his labour while in exile, but it gained him no reputation, and was soon forgotten.

He now began to put forward his peculiar doctrines. The first direct publication of them appears to have been in 1841, in Letters from a Communist to a Reformer.' But a more formal enunciation of them appeared in his Voyage en Icarie,' published in 1842, in which under the figment of a utopian republic he developed his views of a socialist colony. The book at once attracted the notice of a large number of the working classes of Paris already strongly imbued with socialistic opinions. In his scheme he had provided a complete code for the moral and physical as well as the political governance of the community, and he soon found disciples ready to place themselves under his direction. He made a journey to London in 1847 in order to obtain the grant of a large tract of country in Texas, and having announced his success, the first party of his followers departed for the land of promise, as Cabet afterwards declared against his advice, and without any knowledge of the country or of the nature of the difficulties they would have to encounter. They reached their destination, but intelligence quickly arrived in Paris that they were suffer ing the most terrible privatious. A great outcry was raised against Cabet, but the faith of his disciples was not shaken, and another band was soon found to follow in the track of the pioneers. Cabet himself set out at the end of the year to join his disciples. He found them divided into two parties. The larger section adhered to him, and announced their readiness to proceed with him in search of a more suitable home. The Mormons had some time before been expelled from their city of Nauvoo, and Cabet in his journey through the United States had learnt that there was a city finely situated on the Mississippi but now lying deserted, already provided to his hand, aud that he would find little difficulty in obtaining permission to occupy it. In May 1850 Cabet with his Icariens was established in Nauvoo. He was not destined as yet however to rest there. During his absence from Paris a process had been commenced against him for having obtained money under false pretences from his followers, and having of course failed to put in a defence he was condemned, September 1849, in contumacy, to two years' imprisonment. The news of this sentence produced some commotion at Nauvoo, but the opposition was suppressed, and a vote passed of confidence in the honour and probity of their leader. Cabet almost immediately returned to Paris, and, notwithstanding the vast amount of prejudice he found existing against himself, remitted his case to the Court of Appeal, and after a trial which lasted three days his former sentence was reversed. M. Cabet shortly after the trial returned to Nauvoo, where he has since continued, the sole judge and ruler of his little band. The most recent accounts we have seen represent the Icariens as living in apparent harmony, having a community of goods, and posses-ing under Cabet something like equality, a social despotism in fact. But the number of the community appears to be steadily decreasing: it now probably scarcely exceeds 200. [See SUPPLEMENT.]

(Nouvelle Biographie Universelle; Gazetteers of the United States, &c.) CABOCHE, SIMONET, was the principal leader in Paris of a seditious band attached to the faction of Jean Sans-Peur, duke of Burgundy. Charles VI., king of France, had become insane about the year 1393, and the kingdom during the remainder of his disastrous reign was harassed by the rival factions of the Armagnacs, who were led by the Count of Armagnac and the Duke of Orléans (the king's brother), and the Bourgognians (Burgundians), who were the followers of the Duke of Burgundy. The butchers of Paris were at that period a corporate body, having a monopoly of the supply of meat for the city, and were consequently possessed of property, power, and influence. Caboche was at the head of that division of the trade who were called Ecorcheurs (Skinners), and his party, named after him Cabochiens, and sometimes Ecorcheurs, in number about 500, and armed with their formidable knives, became notorious for their violence and ferocity. Their reign of terror seems to have commenced about 1412, and to have terminated about 1414, when the main body of the citizens of Paris, incensed by their exactions and massacres,

CABOT, SEBASTIAN.

took arms in their own defence, and placing the Dauphin at their head, overpowered the Cabochiens, and restored the tranquillity of the city. After the death of the Dauphin the Ecorcheurs appeared again on the scene, in the reign of Charles VII., but were then headed by a ruffian named Capeluche. What had become of Caboche is not known. CABOT, SEBASTIAN, was the son of John Cabot or Gabotto, a native of Venice, who resided occasionally in England, and of whom little more is known than that he was a wealthy, intelligent merchant, and fond of maritime discovery. Sebastian was born at Bristol about 1477, and was early instructed in geography, navigation, and mathematics. When only 19 years of age, he was included with his two brothers in a patent, dated 5th of March, 1496, granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot his father, for the discovery and conquest of unknowa lands. About a year after the date of the patent, Sebastian Cabot sailed (apparently with his father) in a ship equipped at Bristol, named the Matthew, and on the 24th of June he first saw North America, probably the coast of Labrador, about lat. 56°. It has generally been stated that this first-discovered land was Newfoundland, and that it was named by Cabot, Prima Vista; but it appears that the cause of the error was a mistranslation by Hakluyt of a document in Latin appended to a map of America drawn by Cabot himself. The description given in that document cannot possibly refer to Newfoundland, but may apply very well to the coast of Labrador. We have no account of this voyage further than the discovery itself, but it appears probable that Cabot returned to England immediately; an opinion which receives some support from an entry in the privy purse expenses of Henry VII.,-"10th August 1497 To hym that found the new Isle 10." This is still further confirmed by the patent of 3rd of February 1498, granting to John Kabotto permission to take six ships in any haven of the realm, of the burden of 200 tons and under, "to convey and lede to the Londe and Isles of late founde by the seid John in oure name and by our commaundemente," &c. It is difficult to assign to each of the Cabots (a father and three sons) bis exact part in these discoveries, but Sebastian seems always to have been considered the most scientific navigator of the family. Another voyage was made by Cabot, according to the terms of this patent, but we have no details as to its results; and a third voyage appears to have been made to the Gulf of Mexico in 1499. About this time it is supposed that John Cabot died, but there is no record of his death, nor is anything whatever known of Sebastian Cabot for the next twelve years. Soon after the death of Henry VII. Cabot was sent for by Ferdinand king of Spain, in which country he arrived in September 1512, and immediately received the title of Captain, with a liberal salary. It appears from Spanish authorities, that Cabot was disgusted with the waut of consideration shown' him in England. No specific duties appear to have been at first assigned to Cabot in Spain; but we find him in 1515 connected with a general revision of maps and charts, and holding the dignified station of member of the council of the Indi s. He was also appointed to conduct an important expedition for new discoveries towards the west; but the death of Ferdinand, in the beginning of 1516, prevented the accomplishment of the plan. The new king of Spain, Charles V., was occupied elsewhere, and did not reach Spain for some time, during which the court was a scene of shameless intrigue. Fonseca, the enemy of Columbus, was in authority, and the slights he and his creatures put upon Cabot caused the latter to return to England. In 1517 Cabot was employed by Henry VIII., in connection with Sir Thomas Perte, to make another attempt at a north-west passage. On this voyage he reached lat. 674°, and it must have been on this occasion that he entered Hudson's Bay, "and gave English names to sundry places therein." But of this, like all the rest of Cabot's discoveries, no details have been preserved, and even the whole voyage has been referred to the south iustead of the north. It is only known that the malice or timidity of Sir Thomas Perte, and the mutinous conduct of his crew, compelled him to return. After this voyage Cabot again visited Spain, where he was named by Charles V. Pilot Major of the kingdom, and intrusted with the duty of critically examining all projects of voyages of discovery. At this time the views of adventurers were chiefly directed to the south, and the Molucca Islands were pointed out as a valuable field for enterprise. Portugal having earnestly represented that the limits assigned to her by the pope in his division of the New World would include the Moluccas, it was resolved that a solemn conference should take place, in which all parties should state their claims, and experienced men should attend for the purpose of reference. Cabot is at the head of this list, in which we also find Ferdinand Columbus, son of the great Columbus. The conference was held at Badajoz, in April 1524, and by the end of May sentence was pronounced that the Moluccas were within the Spanish division of the world. The Portuguese retired in disgust, talking of preparing an expedition to destroy any Spanish or other vessel which should venture to trade within the disputed territory. Immediately after the decision, a company was formed at Seville to prosecute the trade to the Moluccas, and Cabot was solicited to take the command. By an unfortunate selection, the persons who were put in command immediately under Cabot were personally hostile to him. The expedition sailed in April 1526, and proceeded to cross the Atlantic. On the Brazilian coast a daring mutiny, excited by his officers, compelled him to resort to the extremity of putting on shore

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the three ringleaders, who were actually the persons named to succeed bin in command in case of his death. Cabot explored the river La Plata and some of its tributaries, erected forts in the most favourable positions, and endeavoure i to colonise the country. He despatched persons to Spain to solicit the permission of the Emperor Charles, and a supply of ammunition, provisions, &c.; and as the merchants declined to co-operate in the new undertaking, Charles took the whole expense upon himself. About 1527 Diego Garcia, commander of a rival expedition, arrived in the Plata, ascended the Paraná, and had an int rview with Cabot. Garcia claimed the discovery of the Plata River as being under orders from Charles V., and Cabot, who would not struggle for a doubtful right, descended the river with him. Garcia soon after quitted the country, but left behind him some of his followers, who were guilty of acts which roused the fierce resentment of the Guaranis, but in which it is expressly declared by Herrera that Cabot took no part. The vengeance of the natives knew no distinctions; the whole nation burst with fury on the feeble colony, and Cabot was compelled to put He returned to Spain in 1531, where he resumed his old office, and is known to have made several voyages. In 1548 he resolved to return to his native country. Edward VI. was then on the throne of England, and being very solicitous about maritime affairs, he appears to have conversed with Cabot, and to have received from him some explanation about the variation of the compass, first noticed, or at least first particularly attended to, by Sebastian Cabot. In the beginning of 1549 Edward granted him a pension of 250 marks per annum (166. 138. 4d.). Cabot remained high in the king's favour, and was consulted in all affairs relating to trade and navigation. The advice and influence of Cabot in directing an expedition to the north opened to England the valuable trade with Russia: he was made governor of the company of merchant adventurers by whom the expedition was fitted out; and the instructions delivered by him to the commander, Sir Hush Willoughby, reflect the greatest credit on his good sense, knowledge, and humanity.

to sea.

After the Russian trade was established, the exertions of Cabot were continued the journal of Stephen Burroughs, who was despatched as commander of a vessel in 1556, shows tie character of Cabot in a favourable light. Speaking of a visit to the vessel at Gravesend previous to her departure, he says:-"The good olde gentleman, Master Cabota, gave to the poore most liberall almes, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift, our Piunesse;" and at an entertainment afterwards-" for very joy that he had to see the towardness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himselfe amongst the rest of the young and lusty company."

The death of Edward VI., and the succession of Mary, put an end to the enterprise of Cabot. His pension was continued until May 1557, when it was renewed, not to him exclusively, but jointly with one William Worthington, of whom little is known. To this person all the maps and documents of Cabot were delivered, and it has been supposed that by his means they were either destroyed or put into the possession of Philip of Spain, the husband of Mary; certain it is that they are no longer to be found.

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It is not known when or where Cabot died; although his friend Eden, in his dedication to the translation of Taisnierus's Treatise on Navigation,' gives an account of his death. He says, speaking of a mode of finding the longitude-"Cabot, on his death-bed, tolde me that he had the knowledge thereof, by divine revelation, yet so that he might not teache any man.' Eden thought "the good old man in that extreme age somewhat doted, and had not yet, even in the article of death, utterly shaken off all worldlye vaiue glorye.” (Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, London, 1831; see also Hakluyt, Purchas, Cooley, and Anderson, History of Commerce.) *CABRERA, DON RAMON, a Carlist chief very prominent in some of the darkest passages of the recent history of Spain, was born at Tortosa in 1810. He lost his father in 1816, his mother, who contracted a second marriage, survived for a fate which excited the horror of Europe. Young Cabrera, who was intended for a priest, but who is said to have been found incapable of learning Latin, first became known in 1834. On the death of Ferdinand VII. in 1833, a decree was made that all the royalist volunteers or supporters of absolutism should be disarmed. The decree was generally obeyed throughout the kingdom, except in the wild district called the Maestrazgo on the borders of Aragon, Catalonia, and Castile, which became the general refuge of all the malcontents who were determined to retain their arms. General Breton, the governor of Tortosa, expelled from the town, when the times seemed to be becoming unsettled, all whom he considered suspicious characters, and among them Cabrera, more it is said to be rid of a riotous and dissolute young man than with any other view. Cabrera exclaimed as he left the town, "I swear I will make some noise in the world," and in a few months he succeeded. The wild youth, who had hitherto only organised street disturbances, turned out to be a terrible partisan chief, and was soon second in command in the Maestrazgo now in open revolt. He was ere long sent for to concert with Don Carlos in the Basque provinces; on his return the commander above him, Don Ramon Carnicer, was summoned to Don Carlos also, but was intercepted by the troops of Queen Christina, through whom he tried to make his way in disguise, was detected, and shot. Universal opinion

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at the time, both of Cabrera's soldiers and the enemy, attributed to him the betrayal of the disguise of his commander, but he succeeded to the vacant command. It is now generally believed that this suspi cion was unfounded, but there can be no doubt that Cabrera, now become a formidable leader, was cruel beyond even the usual licence of a partisan chief. The incensed Christinos, eager for revenge, stained their cause by an act of deep atrocity. General Nogueras seized the mother of Cabrera who was in his power, and she was sentenced to be shot, to punish the atrocities of her son. The result of the measure was that Cabrera ordered the massacre of the wives of thirty officers, and the war became a war of murder. For several years afterwards his career was one of singular daring, great military talent, and reckless cruelty. Not only did he hold the Maestrazgo against all the forces the government could bring against him, but he joined Gomez in his bold march through Andalusia; took the city of Valencia, where his sanguinary banquet of the 29th of March 1837 is remem bered with horror; and he at one time threatene for some days Mairid, where it is said the timidity of Don Carlos alone prevented Cabrera from storming the royal palace. He had under his command towards the end of this civil war a body of 20,000 infantry and 800 horse. At the time of "the embrace of Bergara," in August 1839, when fortunately for Spain the cause of Don Carlos was betrayed by his other general, Cabrera was master of the Maestrazgo, and the title. of Count of Morella conferred on him by Don Carlos for his successtul defence of Morella against the Christinos, was borne by him in the conventions with the Christino generals, in which, at the instigation of Lord Eliot sent by the Duke of Wellington, the system of mutual slaughter was at last renounced. After Bergara he was unable to continue the contest, and in 1840 took refuge in France, where he was at first sent to the fortress of Ham, but was soon after set at liberty. In 1815 he strongly opposed Don Carlos's abdication of his rights in favour of the Count de Montemolin, but in 1848, the year of revolution, when circumstances in Spain seemed to present a favourable opening for his purposes, he returned to rekindle civil war. In an action fought at Pasteral in January 1849, he was not only defeated but severely wounded, and obliged in consequence for a second time to take refuge in France. He soon afterwards came to England, where he had previously passed some time in his first exile, and married an Engl woman, with whom he afterwards removed to Naples. On the demand of the Spanish Government he was in 1851 expelled from Naples, and has since taken no prominent part in political affairs.

The career of Cabrera has been treated at length by several Spanish writers. There is a life of him in four volumes by Don Bu-naventura de Córdoba. An historical novel by Don Wenceslao Ayguals de Isco, entitled 'El Tigre del Maestrazgo,' depicts him in the blackest colours, and in it Cabrera is represented as having cruelly slain the author's brother. There is also a small volume in answer to this singular production by Gonzalez de la Cruz. Finally, there is a poem in honour of Cabrera published at Madrid in 1849, entitled "El Candillo de Morella' (The Chief of Morella'). It is admitted on all hands that for daring courage, for fertility of resources, and for presence of mind in danger, Cabrera is unmatched in the recent annals of Spain.

CA'CCIA, GUGLIELMO, commonly called MONCALVO, from Moncalvo, near Casale, the place of his abode, was born at Montabone in 1563. He was one of the best fresco painters of the 17th century, and is among the most celebrated of the Piedmontese painters. There are still several of his works in Milan, Pavia, Turin, Novara, Moncalvo, Casale, and other cities of that part of Italy. The church de' Conventuali alone, at Moncalvo, contains almost a gallery of Caccia's works in oil; they are very light in colour, but faint in effect, and in desigu frequently remind us strongly of the works of Andrea del Sarto, especially in his Holy Families' and such pieces. He is reported to have studied with the Carracci, a fact which Lanzi considers very improbable; and he says that if Caccia studied in Bologna at all, it must have been from the works of L. Sabbatini, prior to the Carracci; but he accounts for his similarity of style with that master from a picture by Soleri in Casale, from which he may have acquired it, as their styles are very similar. Bernardino Campi also painted in a very similar style. Caccia's best works in fresco are in the church of Sant' Antonio Abate at Milan, and in San Paolo at Novara. His master-piece in oil is considered to be the 'Deposition from the Cross,' in the church of San Gaudenzio at Novara: there are also two excellent altar-pieces by him in the churches of Santa Croce and Santa Teresa at Turin, and two others in a chapel of San Domenico at Chieri. Some of his landscape backgrounds are in the style of Paul Bril. Caccia died about 1625.

Caccia instructed two of his daughters in painting-Orsola Maddalena and Francesca-by whom there are many works in Moncalvo and the vicinity: the pictures of the elder, Orsola, are marked with a flower; those of Francesca with a bird. Orsola founded the Couservatorio delle Orseline (Ursulines) in Moncalvo; she died in 1678. Francesca also survived her father many years: she died aged 57.

(Orlandi, Abecedario Pittorico; Lanzi, Storia Pittorica, &c.) CADE, JOHN, an Irishman, who pretended and was believed by some to be a bastard relation of the Duke of York, and hence assumed the name of Mortimer. Shakspere has made him familiarly known to us as 'Jack Cade.' The insurrection which he headed broke out in Kent in the beginning of June, during Whitsuntide week, in the year

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CADMUS.

1450, and had its origin in the wide-spread dissatisfaction occasioned by the conduct of the Duke of Suffolk, the favourite and chief minister of the king. A list of their grievances was published by the insurgents, entitled The Complaint of the Commons of Kent. Among other complaints alleged by the insurgents were the following:-"That people paid not for stuff and purveyance taken for the king's use; that the king's lands in France are aliened and put away fro the crown; that the people of Kent are not suffered to have free elections of knights of the shire." In addition, Cade sent a memorial to the king, expressive of great loyalty, entitled 'The Requests by the Captain of the Great Assembly in Kent,' praying him "to take about his person his true lords, and to avoid all the false progeny and affinity of Suffolk," and affirming that "the realm of France, the duchies of Normandy, Gascony, Guienne, Anjou, and Maine, were delivered and lost by means of the said traitors." This last circumstance especially irritated the nation, and to these causes of discontent were added the hardships caused by the statute of labourers and extortionate proceedings which vexed and irritated the commonalty. On the 17th of June, Cade and his followers were encamped at Blackheath. The king, who was with the parliament at Leicester, hastily collected his forces at London, and prepared to march upon the rebels. During this interval, Cade sent to the king the memorials which have been mentioned. Cade had been encamped about a week when the king's forces marched to attack him, upon which he hastily retreated to Sevenoaks. The royalists, believing the rebels were in flight, detached a portion of their forces in pursuit; upon which Cade led his followers against this detachment, which was defeated, and Sir Humphry Stafford and his brother, who commanded it, were amongst the killed. Cade now resumed his encampment at Blackheath. The royalists were distrustful of their followers, and as a popular concession, the king's council committed to the Tower Lord Say and some others, who were disliked by the people on account of their connection with the obnoxious ministry. The king's army then returned to London and dispersed. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Duke of Buckingham were sent to negociate with Cade, but he refused to lay down his arms until his demands were acceded to. On the 1st of July he marched from Blackheath for London. Some of the common council advised the admission of the rebels, and an alderman who opposed it was taken into custody. It was resolved that a neutral part should be taken, and the gates were opened to the insurgents. Cade rode through the streets, and struck the old London stone with his sword, exclaiming "Now is Mortimer lord of this city!" He issued proclamations forbidding plunder, and each day withdrew his followers into the Borough to prevent disorder. On the 3rd of July Cade sent for Lord Say, and had him arraigned at Guildhall. This nobleman claimed to be judged by his peers, on which he was taken by force to the Standard in Cheapside, and there beheaded. The sheriff of Kent, Lord Say's son-in-law, was also beheaded, on account of his alleged extortions. The mob soon began to exhibit the usual characteristics of an undisciplined multitude. On the third day of their being in possession of the city some houses were plundered: Cade himself plundered the house where he had dined. This conduct decided the citizens, who concerted measures with Lord Scales, the governor of the Tower, and it was determined to defend the bridge and prevent the entry of the rebels. The struggle lasted during the night, but the bridge was eventually taken by the royalists, and a short truce was agreed upon. In this interval the Bishop of Winchester was sent by the archbishops of Canterbury and York, who were in the Tower, with a pardon under the great seal to all the rebels who were disposed to return to their homes. The offer was accepted by the mass of them, including Cade. Two days afterwards he again invited his followers to his standard, but they flocked around it in diminished numbers, and to attack the city was now hopeless. He therefore retired from Southwark to Rochester, where tumults and quarrels arose among the insurgents respecting the division of booty. On this Cade left them, and fled on horseback to Lewes in Sussex. A reward of 1000 marks being set upon his head, he was taken by an esquire named Alexander Iden, and killed, after a desperate resistance, July 11. His head was placed on London bridge. The remainder of the rebels returned to their homes as quietly as possible. Some were taken and executed.

CADMUS, the name of several persons in Greek history. The most famous was the legendary founder of Thebes, who was the son of Agenor, king of the Phoeniciaus, and was sent in search of his sister Europa, who had been carried off, according to the old fable, by Jupiter under the form of a bull. Cadmus touched at Thera, where he left Membliarus and some of his followers (Herod.. iv., 147), and thence proceeded to Boeotia, where, in obedience to the oracle, he formed a settlement on a spot pointed out by a heifer which he had followed, and which lay down by the streams of Dirce. He had how ever in the first place to kill a fierce dragon who guarded the place, and on sowing the monster's teeth as he was directed to do, a host of armed men sprung from the ground, and fought with one another till all but seven were slain. These seven joined Cadmus in founding Cadmeia, subsequently the citadel of Thebes; hence the Thebans were called Sparti (sown-men'). All these legends are given successively in a chorus of Euripides (' Phoeniss.,' 641-680, and Scholiast.), and various attempts have been made to explain them. Some contend with Herodotus for the Phoenician origin of the traditions, others refer

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them to Egypt, and one modern scholar has endeavoured to prove that Cadmus was the leader of a Cretan colony. We are inclined to believe with Müller that Cadmus was an old Pelasgian god. Indeed very strong evidence has been given that he was identical with Cadmilus, the father of the Cabiri, and that his wife Harmonia was also connected with the Samothracian rites. (Müller's Orchomenos,' p. 461.) The legend goes on to relate that he and his wife were changed into serpents, and that he retired to Illyria (Pausan., ix. 583), from whence he led a host of barbarians into Greece and sacked Delphi (Herod., v. 61, ix. 43; Eurip., Bacchæ,' 1333; Niebuhr, 'Hist. Rom.,' i. p. 50). To Cadmus is attributed the invention of seventeen letters of the Greek alphabet; the remaining eight having been added by Palamedes and Simonides. (Pliny, 'Hist. Nat.,' t. vii., c. 56.)

CADMUS, of Miletus, was the first Greek prose writer. He lived towards the end of the 7th or the beginning of the 6th century B.C., and wrote a history, in four books, of the foundation of his native city and the colonisation of Ionia, which was epitomised by Bion of Proconnesus. (Clem. Al. Strom., vi. p. 629; Pliny, 'Hist. Nat.,' vii. 56, v. 29; Isocrates, 'Пepl 'Avtidóσews.")

CADOUDAL, GEORGES, the son of a poor miller, was born in 1769, in the neighbourhood of Auray in Lower Brittany. He received that education of the mind, with religion for its basis, which has always distinguished the western population of France. One of the first to answer the call to arms of the royalists, he collected, in March 1793, a body of 50 Bretons, traversed the woods, fought sever 1 combats, and joined the main army at Faugeres. He was afterwards present at the siege of Granville, at the battle of Mans, and other engagements. Next, assisted by his steadfast friend Lemercier, he achieved an insurrection in the Morbihan. This was his talent: none of the patriot leaders knew better than Georges how to move the passions of the simple peasantry, by his denunciation of the republic and his advocacy of the Bourbons. In 1794 he was captured by a party of republican soldiers, and sent as a prisoner to Brest.

After a few months' captivity he made his escape, with several of his companions, and became a leader (chef de canton). In July 1795, during the misunderstanding between the Vendean generals and the emigrant officers, after the landing of Puisaye and Quiberon, Georges strove hard to rescue a portion of the Chouan army from the disaster which followed. The royalists were fearfully slaughtered by the army of Hoche, but Cadoudal effected the retreat of a strong party. He soon took upon himself the conduct of the insurrection in Lower Brittany; and, irritated at the conduct of the leaders of the late illstarred expedition, he organised an army of peasants, admitting neither noble nor emigrant officer to any share in the command. During the latter part of 1795 and the early part of 1796, the great military talents of Hoche tried most severely the patience and endurance of the Chouans; still their hardy leaders kept them from disbanding.

Then followed two years of inaction, whilst the faithful Chouan was waiting for the signal to be sent from Paris to resume the offensive. In January 1799, Georges Cadoudal, who had never dissolved his little band, intimated to the royalist leaders that everything was ready for a speedy insurrection. The following August he mustered his forces, and occupied the camp of Beauchène. Other chiefs united their bands with his, but Cadoudal's was the most considerable, and, submitting to his authority, they invested him with the chief command of the Morbihan and Côtes-du-Nord. A great civil war was imminent; the flames had spread through the provinces of Marne, Normandy, and Brittany, when the abrupt explosion of the great conspiracy of the 18th Brumaire paralysed the royalists and raised Bonaparte to power. The inflexible Chouan resisted still, fought the battles of Grand-Champ and Elven (1800), and was the last to think of peace.

Georges Cadoudal now went to Paris, and became the object of the First Consul's admiring notice. The master of France used every art to win him over to his service, but nothing could shake the constancy of this rude chief. Bonaparte then strove to arrest him; but the Chouan fled to England, where he was treated with great distinction. The Comte d'Artois, with his own hand, gave him the cordon rouge in the king's name. Towards the end of 1800 he returned to Brittany, again evoked the loyalty of that population, and ordered several spies to be shot, whom the First Consul had sent as emissaries to entrap him.

In 1802, being once more in England, he allied himself with Pichegru to overturn Bonaparte. Georges proposed to attack him openly, and cut through his guards. To this end, he landed secretly in France on the 21st of August 1803, and making his way to Paris, lay hid there for six months, waiting for the signal to be given by Moreau and Pichegru. At length, on the 4th of March 1804, he was surprised in a cabriolet, near the Luxembourg, and captured by a party of police, after he had killed one man and wounded another. At his trial he boldly avowed his devotion to his 'legitimate' king. He was condemned to death, and executed on the 25th of June, at the age of thirty-five. His mind," said Napoleon, "was cast in the true mould; in my hands he would have done great things. I knew how to appreciate bis firmness of character."

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(Biog. Univers.; Bourrienne; Alison, History of Europe.) CECILIUS, STATIUS, a Gaul, originally a slave. He received the name Cæcilius when he became free. He died about one year

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after his friend Ennius, that is, B.C. 168. Cæcilius wrote some forty comedies in the Latin language, of which only very brief fragments remain in the writings of Cicero, Aulus Gellius, and the grammarians. His merit has been variously estimated by the ancients. Cicero (Ad Attic.,' vii. 3) condemns his style as bad, and Quintilian (x. i.) does not assent to the praises which had been bestowed on him by others. Horace (Epist.' ii. i. 59, 'De Art. Poet.' 54), on the contrary, praises him as in some points superior to Plautus and Terence; and Vulgatius Sedigitus (in Aul. Gell.' xv. 24) gives him the highest rank in comedy. Many of his plays were imitations of Menander; and Aulus Gellius (ii. 23) says that when he read them separately they appeared rather pleasing and lively, but that when compared with the Greek originals they were perfectly disgusting. In the same very valuable chapter Aulus Gellius gives a scene from the Plocium (TAókiov, necklace') of Cæcilius with the scene of Menander from which it is copied. They differ as much in brightness, he says, as the arms of Diomed and Glaucus. (Terence, 'Hec. Prol.' 5.)

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CEDMON, the father of English song, or the first person of whom we possess any metrical composition in our vernacular language. This composition is a kind of ode consisting of no more than eighteen lines, celebrating the praises of the Creator. It is preserved in Alfred's translation of Bede. Bede gives the following account of the production of it, and of the author. Cædmon was in some kind of connection with the monks of Whitby: he seems to have had the care of their cattle. It appears to have been the custom of our Saxon forefathers to amuse themselves at the supper hour with improvisatore descants accompanied by the harp, as is still practised at meetings of the Welsh bards. Cadmon, far from having the gift of song, when the harp passed round among the guests, was fain as it approached him to shrink away from the assembly and retire to his own house. Once after it had thus happened as he was sleeping at night, some one seemed to say to him, "Cadmon, sing me something?" He replied, "I cannot sing;" and he told how his inability to sing had been the cause of his quitting the hall. "Yet thou must sing to me," said the voice; "What must I sing?" said he; "Sing me the origin of things." The subject thus given him, he composed the short ode in question. When he awoke, the words were fast in his mind.

Cadmon in the morning told his vision and repeated his song. The effect was that the Abbess Hilda and the learned men whom she had collected round her in her monastery at Whitby believed that he had received from Heaven the gift of song, and when on the morrow he returned with a beautiful poetic paraphrase of a passage of Scripture which they had given him to versify as a test of the reality of his inspiration, they at once acknowledged the verity, and earnestly besought him to become a member of their company. He continued to receive poetic inspiration, and he composed numerous poems on sacred subjects, which were sung in the abbey for the edification of its inhabitants. Sacred subjects were his delight, and to them he confined himself. He continued in the monastery for the remainder of his life, and there he died, as is conjectured, about 680.

The authenticity of the little poem above mentioned is perhaps unquestionable. But besides this, a very long Saxon poem, which is a metrical paraphrase on parts of the Scriptures, is attributed to Cædmon. An edition of it was printed at Amsterdam in 1655, under the care of Junius. Hickes expresses doubts whether this poem can be attributed to so early a period as the time of Cadmon. He thinks he perceives certain Dano-Saxonisms in it which would lead him to refer it to a much later period. It has been again printed with a much more accurate text, by Mr. Thorpe, as a publication by the Society of Antiquaries, London, 8vo, 1832. Mr. Thorpe is of opinion that it is substantially the work of Cadmon, but with some sophistications of a later period, and in this opinion our best Anglo-Saxon scholars appear inclined to coincide. The poem seems to have been popular, and to have been much used in later times by the makers of the mysteries which furnished so much of the amusement of our ancestors. An attempt has been made to show that the parts respecting the creation and our first parents had been studied by Milton.

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rience alone, and that the physician, like the husbandman or the steersman, is formed by practice, not by discussion. The former sect studied anatomy, the latter neglected it. (Celsus, 'de Med.' lib. 1.) The Methodici combined something of the theoretical turn of the dogmatics with the practical simplicity of the empirics, but it must be owned that they carried this simplicity too far. Thus Themison, their founder, "reduced all diseases to three kinds only, the strictum, the laxum, and the mixtum; the last consisting of the strictum in one part of the body, and of the laxum in another. He maintained that it was enough to refer any particular disease to one or other of these three heads, in order to form the proper indications of cure. This easy plan was, by way of eminence, called the Method, and the persons who followed it the Methodics." (Cullen, 'Introductory Lectures,— History of Medicine.')

With them, as with others, theory sometimes succeeded in stifling the best-established practice. Thus the Methodici, not satisfied with banishing specifics from the practice of physic, declared war even against purgatives. These remedies had been denounced by Chrysippus, Erasistratus, Asclepiades, and Thessalus; and Cælius agrees with them. On the whole however Cælius Aurelianus ranks high among the second class of medical writers-among those who, though not great discoverers, yet hand down to posterity, with useful additions, the rich inheritance of knowledge which they have received. The first editions of Cælius Aurelianus are that of Paris, 1529, folio, containing only the three books on acute diseases, and that of Basel, of the same year and size, containing only the five books on chronic diseases. There is a complete edition by Dalechamp with marginal notes, Lyon, 1567, 8vo. The best edition is that of Almeloveen, Amsterdam, 1722 and 1755. The last complete edition is that of Haller, in two volumes, 8vo, 1774.

(Sprengel, Essai d'une Histoire pragmatique de Médecine; Hist. traduit par Geiger, tom. ii.; Le Clerc, Histoire de la Médecine; Haller, Biblioth. Med., vol. ii.)

CÆSAR (Kaloap), the cognomen or distinctive family name of a branch of the illustrious Julian gens or house. Various etymologies of the name have been given by Roman writers, but they all seem unsatisfactory, and some of them ridiculous, except that which connects it with the word cæsaries, properly the hair of the head.' It was not unusual for the family names among the Romans to be derived from some personal peculiarity: examples of this are Naso, Fronto, Calvus, &c. The Julian gens was one of the oldest patrician houses of Rome, and the branch of it which bore the name of Cæsar deduced its origin from Iulus, the son of Eneas, and consequently claimed a descent from divine blood. (Sueton. Cæsar.') The Julian gens is traced back historically to A.U.c. 253, or B.c. 501, but the first person who bore the distinctive family name of Cæsar is probably Sextus Julius Cæsar, who was quæstor A.U.c. 532, and from Caius Julius Cæsar, the dictator, may be traced through five descents. ('Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature,' vol. i. pt. 2.)

In pursuance of the will of C. J. Cæsar, the dictator, Octavius, afterwards the Emperor Augustus, who was the grandson of the dictator's sister, Julia, took the family name of Cæsar. Tiberius Nero who was adopted by his stepfather Augustus, also took the name of Cæsar. Caligula and Claudius, his successors, were descended from Julia, the dictator's sister; and in the person of Nero, the successor of Claudius, the family of Cæsar became extinct. Nero was removed five descents from Julia, the dictator's sister. [AUGUSTUS.]

When Hadrian adopted Ælius Verus, who was thus received into the imperial family, Verus took the name of Cæsar. Spartianus, in his life of Elius Verus, remarks, "Verus was the first who received the name of Cæsar only, and that not by will, as before, but pretty nearly in the same way as in our times (the reign of Diocletian) Maximianus and Constantius were named Cæsars, and thus designated as heirs to the empire." Thus the term Augustus under the later emperors signified the reigning prince, and Cæsar or Cæsares denoted the individual or individuals marked out by the emperor's favour as being in the line of succession.

CÆSAR, CA'IUS JU'LIUS, the son of C. J. Cæsar and Aurelia, was CELIUS AURELIA'NUS, the only remaining writer of the sect born B.c. 100, on the 12th of Quintilis, afterwards called Julius from of the Methodici in medicine, is believed to have been born at Sicca in the name of the person of whom we are speaking. His aunt Julia was Africa. The time when he lived is uncertain; as neither he nor Galen the wife of Caius Marius, who was seven times consul. In his sevenmention each other, it has been supposed that they were contem- teenth year he married Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, by whom he poraries; while others have thought, from the barbarousness of his had a daughter, Julia. This connection with Marius and Cinna, the style, that he must have lived as late as the 5th century. But his two great opponents of the dictator Sulla, exposed him to the resent. African origin as well as the imperfect education which, in common ment of the opposite faction. By Sulla's orders he was deprived of with the majority of the Methodici, he probably received, will account his wife's dowry and of the fortune which he had inherited by descent, for his barbarous Latinity, as well as his blunders in Greek. His stripped of his office of priest of Jupiter (Flamen Dialis) and work, which consists of eight books, three on acute and five on chronic compelled to seek safety by flight. (Plut. Cæsar,' i.; Suetonius, diseases, is a translation into Latin of the writings of Soranus, a Greek Cæsar.') Sulla is said to have spared his life with great reluctance, physician, of the time of Hadrian, with additions from his own practice observing to those who pleaded his cause, that the youth "would be and from other authors. the ruin of the aristocratic party, for there were many Marii in Cæsar." He first served under M. Thermus in Asia, and distinguished himself at the capture of Mitylene (B.C. 80 or 79); but his reputation suffered by a report (possibly an unfounded one) of scandalous profligacy during a visit which he paid to Nicomedes, the king of Bithynia. In the following year he served under Servilius Isauricus in Cilicia. The news of Sulla's death soon brought him back to Rome, but he took no part in the movements of M. Æmilius Lepidus, who made a

Caius Aurelianus appears to have been an observant practitioner, and gives several original cases in medicine as well as surgery. The medical sect of the Methodici held a middle place between the dog. matists and the empirics. The dogmatists maintained that the practice of physic must depend upon the theory, and that he who is ignorant of the origin of diseases cannot treat them with advantage. The empirics, on the other hand, alleged that medicine depends on expo

BIOG. DIV. VOL. II.

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fruitless attempt to overthrow the aristocratical party, which had been firmly established during the tyranny of Sulla. It is not unlikely, as Suetonius observes, that he had no confidence in Lepidus, and that he had penetration enough to see that the time was not come for humbling the aristocracy of Rome. Whatever opinion may be entertained as to Caesar having very early formed a design to seize on the Sovereign power, it is at least certain that from his first appearance in public life he had a settled purpose to break the power of the aristocracy, from which he and his relatives had suffered so much. After his unsuccessful impeachment of Dolabella for mal-administration in his province, he retired to Rhodes, and for a time became the pupil of the rhetorician Molo, one of the greatest masters of the art, whose instruction Cicero had attended, probably a year or two before Cæsar's visit. For some time Cæsar seems to have had little concern in public life, being kept in the background by the predominance of the aristocraticai party, and the successful career of Metellus, Lucullus, Crassus, and Pompey. About B.C. 69, being elected one of the military tribunes, he had sufficient influence to produce an enactment for the restoration of L. Cinna, his wife's brother, and of those partisans of Lepidus who after his death had joined Sertorius in Spain. (Suetonius.) The following year he was quaestor in Spain, and on his return to Rome he was elected Edile for B.C. 65. Just before entering on office he fell under some suspicion of being engaged in a conspiracy to kill the consuls Cotta and Torquatus, and effect a revolution. Whether there really was a conspiracy or not may be doubted; Cæsar's share in it at least is not clearly established. The office of Edile gave Cæsar an opportunity of indulging his taste for magnificence and display, by which at the same time he secured the favour of the people. He beautified the city with public buildings, and gave splendid exhibitions of wild beasts and gladiators. Cæsar, who was now five-and-thirty years of age, had enjoyed no opportunity of distinguishing himself in a military capacity; while the more fortunate Pompey, who was only six years older, was spreading his name and the terror of the Roman arms throughout the East. A favourable occasion seemed to present itself in Egypt. Alexander, the king who had been honoured with the name of friend and ally of the Roman people, was ejected from Alexandria by the citizens. The popular feeling at Rome was against the Alexandrians, and Cæsar thought he had interest enough through the tribunes and the democratical party to get appointed to an extraordinary command in Egypt; but the opposite faction was strongly united against him, and he failed in his attempt. The next year he was more successful. By a judicious application of money among the poorer voters, and of personal influence among all classes (Dion. xxxvii. 37), he obtained the Pontificatus Maximus, or wardenship of the ecclesiastical college of Pontifices, a place no doubt of considerable emolument, to which an official residence in the Sacra Via was also attached. (Sueton. 'Cæsar,' 13, 46.) This union of civil and religious functions in the same person, at least in the higher and more profitable places, was a part of the old Roman polity, which, among other cousequences, prevented the existence of a hierarchy with a distinct and opposing interest.

At the time of the important debate on the conspiracy of Catiline (B.C. 63), Cæsar was prætor designatus (prætor elect for the following year), and accordingly spoke in his place in the senate. He was the only person who ventured to oppose the proposition for putting the conspirators to death; he recommended their property to be confiscated, and that they should be dispersed through the different municipia of Italy, and kept under a strict surveillance. The speech which Sallust bas put into his mouth on this occasion, if the substance of it be genuine, will help us to form some estimate of Cæsar's character and his policy at this period. The address is singularly well adapted to flatter the dominant party, and also to keep up his credit with those who were hostile to the aristocratic interests. His object was to save the lives of the conspirators, under the pretext of inflicting on them a punishment more severe than that of death. But for Cato he might probably have carried his motion. According to Suetonius, Cæsar persevered in his opposition till his life was actually threatened by the armed Roman equites, who were introduced into the senatehouse under the pretext of protecting the senate during their deliberations. (Compare Plut. 'Cæsar,' viii.) Cicero, who was then consul, and in the height of his prosperity and arrogance, might, it is said, by a single nod, have destroyed this formidable opponent of the order of which he had become the devoted champion; but either his courage failed him, or some motive perhaps more worthy, led him to check the fury of the Equites. In the following year, during his prætorship, the opposite faction in the senate, who were bent on crushing Cæsar's rising influence, actually passed a decree (decretum) by which Q. Cæcilius Metellus Nepos, one of the tribunes of the plebs, and Cæsar, who strongly supported him in his measures, were declared incapable of continuing in the exercise of their official duties. Cæsar still discharged the judicial functions of his magistracy, till he found that force would be used to compel his submission to this illegal and impolitic act of the senate. The populace were roused by this strange proceeding, and Cæsar apparently might have had their best assist ance against his enemies; but prudence for the present induced him to check the zeal of his partizans, and the senate, apparently alarmed by this demonstration, repealed their own decree, and thanked him for his conduct.

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An affair which happened during Caesar's prætorship caused no little scandal at Rome. While the ceremonies in honour of the Bona Dea were performing in the house of Cæsar, at which women only could be present, the profligate Clodius, putting on a woman's dress, contrived to get admission to these mysterious rites. On the affair being discovered Cæsar divorced his wife Pompeia, whom he had married after the death of Cornelia; and Clodius, after being brought to a public trial on a charge of impiety, only escaped by bribing the judices or jury. (Cic. Ep. ad Att.' i. 12, &c.; Don. xxxviii. 45.) From motives of policy Cæsar did not break with Clodius: he probably feared his influence, and already saw that he could make him a useful tool, and a bugbear to Cicero.

The year B.C. 60 was spent by Cæsar in his province of Hispania Ulterior, or Southern Spain, where he speedily restored order and hurried back to Rome before his successor came, to canvass for the consulship. The aristocratical party saw that it was impossible to prevent Caesar's election; their only chance was to give him a colleague who should be a check upon him. Their choice of Bibulus seems to have been singularly unfortunate. Bibulus was elected with Cæsar in opposition to Lucceius, with whom Cæsar had formed a coalition, on the condition that Lucceius should find the money, and that Cæsar should give him the benefit of his influence and recommendation. The scheme of Cæsar's enemies proved a complete failure. Bibulus, after unavailing efforts to resist the impetuosity of his colleague, shut himself up in his house, and Cæsar, in fact, became sole consul. (Dion. xxxviii. 8.) In order to stop all public business, Bibulus declared the auguries unfavourable; and when this would not answer, he declared that they would be unfavourable all through the year. This illegal conduct only tended to justify the violent measures of his colleague. The affair, though a serious one for the hitherto dominant faction, furnished matter for the small wits of the day, who used to sign their notes and letters in the Consulship of Julius and Cæsar,' instead of naming both consuls in the usual way.

Cæsar had contrived, by a masterly stroke of policy, to render ineffectual all opposition on the part of his opponents. Pompey was dissatisfied because the senate delayed about confirming all his measures in the Mithridatic war and during his command in Asia; Crassus, who was the richest man in the state, and second only to Pompey in influence with the senatorial faction, was not on good terms with Pompey. If Cæsar gained over only one of these rivals, he made the other his enemy; he determined therefore to secure them both. He began by courting Pompey, and succeeded in bringing about a reconciliation between him and Crassus. It was agreed that there should be a general understanding among the three as to the course of policy; that all Pompey's measures should be confirmed, and that Cæsar should have the consulship. To cement their alliance more closely, Cæsar gave Pompey his daughter Julia in marriage, though she had been promised to M. Brutus. (Plut. Pomp.' 47.) Cæsar also took a new wife on the occasion, Calpurnia, the daughter of Piso, whom he nominated one of the consuls for the ensuing year. This union of Pompey, Crassus, and Cæsar is often called by modern writers the first triumvirate. The effect of it was to destroy the credit of Pompey, throw disunion among the aristocratic party, and put the whole power of the state in the hands of one vigorous and clear-sighted man. (As to the affair of Vettius [Dion. xxxviii. 9], see CICERO.)

It is unnecessary to detail minutely the acts of Cæsar's consulship. From the letters of Cicero, which are contemporary evidence, we perceive that the senate at last found they had got a master whom it was useless to resist; Cato alone held out, but he stood by himself. One of the most important measures of Cæsar's consulship was an Agrarian law for the division of some public lands in Campania among the poorer citizens, which was carried by intimidation. Pompey and Crassus, who had given in to all Cæsar's measures, accepted a place in the commission for dividing these lands. Clodius, the enemy of Cicero, was, through Cæsar's influence, and the help of Pompey, adopted into a plebeian family, and thus made capable of holding the office of tribune; an event which Cicero had long dreaded, and fondly flattered himself that he should prevent by a temporising policy. Clodius, the next year, was elected a tribune, and drove Cicero into exile. (Dion. xxxviii. 12, &c.)

The Roman consuls, on going out of office, received the government of a province for one year. Cæsar's opponents unwisely made another and a last effort against him, which only resulted in putting them in a still more humiliating position: they proposed to give him the superintendence of the roads and forests. Vatinius, one of his creatures, forthwith procured a law to be passed, by which he obtained for Cæsar the province of Gallia Cisalpina, or North Italy, and Illyricum, for five years: and the senate, fearing the people might grant still more, not only confirmed the measure, but, making a merit of necessity, added the province of Gallia Transalpina. "From this moment," remarks a lively modern writer (Schlosser, Universal. Histor. Uebersicht'), "the history of Rome presents a striking parallel to the condition of the French republic during Bonaparte's first campaigns in Italy. In both cases we see a weak republican administration in the capital involved in continual broils, which the rival factions are more interested in fostering, than in securing the tranquillity and peace of the empire. In both cases we find a province

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