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NOTES OF IMPORTANT DECISIONS.

CORPORATION-DEPLETION OF ASSETS BY FORBIDDEN PRACTICES SO FAR AS SUBSEQUENT CREDITORS ARE CONCERNED.-Jesson v. Noyes, 245 Fed. 46, decided by Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, holds in a suit against directors of a corporation which was forbidden by statute to pay dividends not earned or purchase its own stock, that their liability not only was to existing but subsequent creditors.

The court referred to contention of counsel as being sustained by Atlanta, etc., Assn. v. Smith, 141 Wis. 377, 132 L. R. A. (N. S.) 137, 135 Am. St. Rep. 42, but it says this was because the trust fund doctrine does not under all circumstances there apply and that "as a general rule, unless plainly prohibited by statute or its organic act, a corporation may buy its own stock using its assets therefor, so long as it acts in good faith, pursuant to authorization of its governing body, and that this is true both as to past and future creditors." Then it is stated that the statute governing this corporation expressly forbade such.

Cases are referred to to the effect that if such practices result in immediate insolvency the fact of liability of directors to future creditors is clear, but not so if this does not immediately result.

The court also refers to the case above cited as stating a more far-reaching principle. That case says: "We are not unmindful that the rule, in general, as to avoidance of a transfer of property in fraud for future creditors, applies only in cases of actual intent to defraud them. *** It is too restrictive, as generally stated, to the situation here, and should it in thought, be extended to include it, upon the theory, that the duty of the stockholders not to deplete for their own advantage corporate assets below the subscribed capital, and become a party to a continuance of solvent appearance, supplies the nced for actual intent to defraud, where the natural and probable effect is to prej. udice persons subsequently dealing with the corporation as solvent."

It seems to us, the rule ought to go further than this. If a corporation's subscribed capital is behind its capital at all, it is so utterly. The very fact that it may not reduce its general capital without special authority carries the idea, that it shall not do this indirectly by releasing any stockholder's share in that capitalization. It matters not whether a release affects its solvent appearance or not. If ulti

mately it does this, this is harmful, if creditors rely on capitalization. If the stock may not advantageously be disposed of in market overt, that is a reason for its not being bought by the corporation. If the corporation wishes to reduce its stock, the same publicity should be given to that fact as is given to original subscription. And before any corporation may reduce its capitalization, there ought to be given opportunity to object by any one interested, or that may be interested.

LANDLORD AND TENANT

LIABILITY OF LANDLORD LEASING LAKE FOR BATHING PURPOSES.-In Bearman v. Grooms, 197 S. W. 1090, decided by Supreme Court of Tennessee, it was held, that where a lake to be used for public bathing purposes was of treach erous and uneven depths, so that it only could be used with reasonable safety by placing ropes between stakes at convenient intervals. and lessee agreed to maintain and to plant posts, maintain guards and boats and take all necessary precautions to make safe the busi ness of a lake for public bathing purposes. the landlord did not become liable for the drowning of a patron, who came into a sharp decline in the bottom, the duty of maintaining the lake in safety being solely on the lessee.

The court said: "The construction of additional appliances or equipment, such as warn ing signs or guard ropes, required to make the premises suitable and safe for use, being that of the tenant, and any negligence that resulted in their maintenance being also his, the pending case is to be differentiated from those of another class where the manner of construc tion by the lessor and the tenant's negligence both contribute to the injury of a third person."

We think the error in this view is in not differentiating between conduct of business by the lessee and the leasing to him of unsafe premises.

It is premised by the court that there is a stringent liability in the management of the lake in question for the purpose intended and in holding it out to be used therefor. Now, if the landlord knew there were dangerous depths, hidden from users of the lake, it could not be leased except as a dangerous place. If statute, for example, required guard ropes to be used and posts planted to which they were to be tied, no promise by a lessee to see to this would excuse the lessor. To maintain these things is not an act in the course of conduct of the business. We doubt very greatly that there legally exists the distinction of which the court speaks.

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METHODS OF SELECTING JUDGES.

Most people in this country, who think about the subject at all, suppose that there are only two methods of selecting judges -by appointment and by election. This is a fundamental error that we must avoid

in limini. There is, speaking generally, only one method of selecting judges and that is by appointment. There are, of course, different kinds of appointment, as we shall see, but except, perhaps, in the most primitive frontier communities, there is no such thing as the selection of judges by the people. In metropolitan districts I venture to say that such a method of selection not only does not exist, but cannot by any possibility exist. It is one of our most absurd bits of political hypocrisy that we actually talk and act as if our judges were elected by

the people whenever the method of selection is in form by popular election.

In a great metropolitan district like Chicago, for instance, where we have a typical long ballot and the party machines are well organized and powerful, our judges, while they go through the form of election, are not selected by the people at all. They are appointed. The appointing power is The appointing power is lodged with the leaders of the party machines. These men appoint the nominees. They did it openly and with a certain degree of responsibility under the convention system. They do it now less openly and with less responsibility under our compulsory and partisan primary system.

Even outside of such metropolitan districts as Chicago, if party organizations are strong and well led, and the form of elections aid these party organizations, the same process of appointment will be found to prevail, although owing to the smaller sized electorate the confirming of the appointees by the people may be somewhat more intelligent.

In Wisconsin,1 where they are proud of and satisfied with their so-called elective system of judges, I venture to say that the method of selecting will be found to be ninety per cent appointment and ten per cent election. A strong tradition has been built up in Wisconsin of re-electing sitting judges. This means, and the actual fact is, that vacancies on the bench occur almost wholly by death or resignation of the incumbent. When this happens the bar (and that means the leaders among the bar) at once set about to fill the office. The qualifications of various lawyers are discussed in a semi-public manner. There is sufficient decorum so that candidates do not come forward personally to advance their claims. A bar primary is then held, all the candidates having a fair chance. The bar, as a whole, accepts the result and regardless of party, supports the winner. The actual power of

appointment for the unexpired term rests

with the governor.

He, however, is ex

pected to, and customarily does in fact, appoint the man recommended by the bar. When election day comes around the judge so appointed is supported by the bar regardless of party, because he was originally the nominee of the bar and because he is a sitting judge. He is regularly thereafter supported at elections until he dies or resigns. So strong is the tradition and feeling in favor of electing and re-electing judges who have been appointed originally in the manner described, that sitting judges will prevail even against candidates who are admittedly abler lawyers. The system of retaining judges in office during good behavior has been found by the people of Wisconsin to be worth more than the replacement once in a while of a satisfactory man with one who might and who probably would do better. Whatever pride there may be in such. a system of selecting judges, it is a pride in the way a so-called plan of popular elec

(1) For this account of the way the election of judges works out in Wisconsin, I am indebted to Herbert Harley, Esq., Secretary of the American Judicature Society.

tion has been developed into an appointment by the leading lawyers of the district with the concurrence of the governor. In the largest metropolitan district of Wisconsin however, the lawyers are having harder work to keep in their own hands the power of appointing judges and to prevent that power from passing to the leaders of the political organizations which fill the general run of offices in the district.

A proper analysis of our experience not only shows that there is practically no such thing as the selection of judges by the people, but also that such a mode of selection is (particularly in our larger metropolitan districts) impossible. The plain truth is The plain truth is that in a metropolitan district, and to a considerable degree outside, the selection of judges by some sort of appointing power cannot be avoided. It is obviously impossible for an electorate of any size, or even for different parts of such an electorate, to have any collective idea of those among the lawyers whom it wishes to act as judges. It is even more clear that the electorate can have no collective idea of the qualifications of different lawyers for exercising the judicial function. It would be a problem for a single individual who had an extensive personal knowledge of lawyers and who observed them closely for a considerable period in the practice of their profession.

We have gotten past thinking that any lawyer can be a judge. In metropolitan centers particularly, we have come to the view that to be a successful and efficient judge a highly trained professional expert is required. He must not only be well educated, but he must have the training and character which comes from years of practice in the courts. The electorate would not think of undertaking to select at a general election the engineer who is to design a bridge upon which thousands of the population each day must pass in safety. It is quite as absurd for the electorate to attempt a selection of the very special talents which are required in a judge in passing upon the rights to life, liberty and property of thou

sands of citizens. Furthermore, lawyers who are willing to become candidates for judgeships have as a general rule no real popular following among an electorate of any size. Few judges, after they have been on the bench, have any such real popular following that they can be said to be a popular choice. The position of a single judge in a district containing one hundred thousand voters and upward is ordinarily too hidden and obscure to enable any man who is willing to occupy the place to secure a popular following. A lawyer or a judge, who secures a real hold upon the majority of a numerous electorate, will inevitably be led to a candidacy for office of greater political importance than a judgeship. These are some of the reasons why the selection of judges by the people is a practical impossibility. For all but the most exceptional judge, particularly in metropolitan districts, the power which places him in office will be an appointing power, although there be in force the so-called popular election of judges.

There are many who sincerely believe that the electorate can choose its judges, provided they are elected only at special elections, where a judicial ballot is used which omits all designation of parties and upon which the names of candidates are placed by petition only and the name of each candidate is rotated upon the ballot so that it will appear an equal number of times in every position. The object of such legislation is to restore a choice by the electorate by depriving the party organizations of predominant influence in judicial elections. The means adopted to deprive the party of its influence is to take from it the use of the party circle and the party column. It may safely be predicted of such legislation that it will not cause judges to be the actual choice of the electorate, nor will it eliminate the influence of the party leaders in judicial elections.

The supposition is that if the influence of the party leaders can be eliminated, the electorate will necessarily make a real

choice. But the electorate does not fail to choose simply because the party leader has taken that choice from it. On the contrary, the party leader rules because the electorate regularly goes to the polls too ignorant politically to make a choice of judges. That ignorance is due to the fact that the office

tent single power in elections would end it. That power would be the present type of party organization. It would be put to greater trouble in advising and directing the politically ignorant how to vote, because it would have been deprived of the party circle and party column. But the advice and di

lowed. Each party organization would have its slate of candidates. Each would prepare printed lists of its slate to be distributed at the polls and the voter would, for the most part, as now, take the list of that organization he was loyal to or feared the most, and vote the names upon it, no matter where they appeared upon the ballot. Thus the appointment and retirement of judges by the party leaders would, after perhaps a period of chaos and readjustment, again appear. Perhaps it would be even stronger as a result of reaction and deliverance from the chaotic conditions which it relieved.

of judge is inconspicuous and the determi-rection could and would be given and folnation of who are qualified for the office is unusually difficult, even when an expert in possession of all the facts makes the choice. The proposed method of election does not in the least promise to eliminate the fundamental difficulty of the political ignorance of the electorate. If, therefore, it succeeded in eliminating the influence of the party organizations the question would still remain: Who would select and retire the judges? There is no reason to believe that the electorate would make any real choice. Electors would be just as politically ignorant as they were before. They would be just as little fitted for making a choice as they were before. The elimination of extra-legal government by party leaders does not give to the electorate at large the knowledge required to vote intelligently. Who, then, will select the judges? The newspapers might have a larger influence, but they would probably be very far from exercising a controlling influence or uniting in such a way as to advise and direct the majority of the voters how to vote for a number of judges. Special cliques would each be too small to control a choice and combinations would be too difficult to make. The basis of choice would, therefore, be utterly chaotic. There could be neither responsibility nor intelligence in the selection of judges. The results reached would depend upon chance or upon irresponsible and temporary combinations. With every lawyer allowed to put up his name by petition and chance largely governing the result, the prospect is harlly encouraging.

There is no reason to believe, however, that any such disorganized method of choice would be tolerated. The most po

It is impossible to escape the conclusion that in a metropolitan district with one hundred thousand voters and upward, the selection of judges by the electorate is practically impossible. It is equally certain that the judges in such a community must be selected by some appointing power. It is more and more apparent everywhere that the selection of judges by the electorate is a myth, and that in reality all efforts at election by the people result in the development of some sort of extra legal appointing power. The real and only question therefore becomes: what is the sound principle upon which to create an appointing power and how far do our actual or proposed appointing powers conform to such principle?

There should be no difference of opinion as to the attributes of a proper appointing power. It should be vested directly in a legally constituted authority. That authority should be conspicuous, subject directly to the electorate and in the highest degree interested in and responsible for the due administration of justice.

that men in their position would. They become blameworthy only when they resist their deprivation of the appointing power and the placing of it in better hands. As far as I know, the party organization leaders have not been presented with any plan which deprives them of the power of appointing judges and the handing of that appointing power over to some better authority, and as far as I know, therefore, they have not yet been placed in a position of opposition to such a movement.

Judged by this test, appointment by the party organization leaders falls far short of our ideal. It is extra legal, that is, it was not contemplated by those who designed and advocated the elective system. It is not sanctioned by any law or by the constitution. The appointing power in the party organization leaders is not conspicuous, rather is it very obscure-so much so that most people still believe that the application of the elective principle means a choice by the people. The party organization leaders wielding the appointing power have no responsibility for the due administration of justice and the minimum degree of interest in it. Sometimes ugly hints get abroad that particular party leaders are actually in-political party leaders by non-partisan nomterested in securing as judges men who may be relied upon to give special immunity to certain offenders from the criminal law.

The motive is very strong on the part of the organization chiefs to reward with an appointment to the bench those who have done more in the way of political service to the organization than in practice in the courts. Finally the appointing power in the party organization leaders is not as directly subject to the electorate as it should be.

Of course, there are some exceptional cases where party leaders have felt their responsibility for good appointments to the bench. These are the shining examples. They are not the rule. It is a mistake, however, to condemn too harshly party organization leaders because of the existence in them of this appointing power. They are not really responsible for its being in their hands. The elective system of selecting judges forces this appointing power upon the party organization leaders. Since selection by the people is impossible, and since we abhor selection by chance and a condition of political chaos, the appointing power gravitates necessarily toward that political organization which stands between the electorate and governmental chaos. The party organization leaders only exercise the appointing power the way it is to be expected

Let me emphasize again that we do not advance toward a better method of selecting our judges when we attempt merely to break down the appointing power of the

inations and elections and other election expedients. As we have already seen, the elimination of the power of the political organization leaders does not mean that the people will choose. It means simply chaos. due to unintelligent voting on a matter which the voter will not, and therefore we may say cannot, become intelligent about.

It has been suggested that lawyers, acting through bar associations with power over nominations, be given a hand in the exercise of the power of appointment of judges. For instance, the concrete suggestion has been made that the Chicago Bar Association should be given power to place upon the official ballot a bar association ticket upon which might appear candidates who had been nominated by any of the other political parties. This would give the candidates approved by the bar association, and also by any other political party, considerable advantage over those appearing in only one party column. This, however, in spite of the good results obtained in Wisconsin, as a result of appointment by the bar, does not promise much. The responsibility of lawyers is distributed among too many individuals. Furthermore, the lawyers are too much interested in winning cases and often particular classes of cases, for particular clients to be intrusted with power

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