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but they must come to the principal point | bited in detail. There was a book no doubt of that one action which they will represent. familiar to that young poet; it was the 'ConBy example this will be best expressed. I fessio Amantis, the Confessyon of the Louer,' have a story of young Polydorus, delivered, of John Gower, printed by Caxton in 1493, for safety's sake, with great riches, by his fa- and by Berthelet in 1532 and 1554. That ther Priamus, to Polymnestor, king of Thrace, the book was popular, the fact of the publiin the Trojan war time. He, after some years, cation of three editions in little more than hearing of the overthrow of Priamus, for to half a century will sufficiently manifest. make the treasure his own, murthereth the That it was a book to be devoured by a child; the body of the child is taken up; youth of poetical aspirations, who can doubt? Hecuba, she, the same day, findeth a sleight That a Chaucer and a Gower were accessible to be revenged most cruelly of the tyrant. to a young man educated at the grammarWhere, now, would one of our tragedy-writers school at Stratford, we may readily believe. begin, but with the delivery of the child? That was not a day of rare copies; the bounThen should he sail over into Thrace, and tiful press of the early English printers was to spend I know not how many years, and for the people, and the people eagerly detravel numbers of places. But where doth voured the intellectual food which that press Euripides? Even with the finding of the bestowed upon them. 'Appollinus, The Prince body, leaving the rest to be told by the spirit of Tyr,' is one of the most sustained, and, perof Polydorus. This needs no farther to be haps, altogether one of the most interesting, enlarged; the dullest wit may conceive it." of the old narratives which Gower introduced into the poetical form. What did it matter to the young and enthusiastic reader that there were Latin manuscripts of this story as early as the tenth century; that there is an Anglo-Saxon version of it; that it forms one of the most elaborate stories of the 'Gesta Romanorum?' What does all this matter

Between this notion which Sidney had formed of the propriety of a tragedy which should understand "the difference betwixt reporting and representing," there was a long space to be travelled over, before we should arrive at a tragedy which should make the whole action manifest, and keep the interest alive from the first line to the last without

even to us, with regard to the play before us? Mr. Collier says, "The immediate source to which Shakespeare resorted was probably Laurence Twine's version of the novel of Appollonius, King of Tyre,' which first came out in 1576, and was afterwards several times reprinted. I have before me an edition without date, 'Imprinted at London by Valentine Simmes for the widow Newman,' which very

any "reporting" at all. When Hamlet' and 'Othello' and 'Lear' were perfected, this culminating point of the dramatic art had been reached. But it is evident that Sidney described a state of things in which even the very inartificial expedient of uniting description with representation had not been thoroughly understood, or at least had not been generally practised. The "tragedy-likely was that used by our great dramatist.” writers" begin with the delivery of the young Polydorus, and travel on with him from place to place, till his final murder. At this point Euripides begins the story, leaving something to be told by the spirit of Polydorus. It is not difficult to conceive a young dramatic poet looking to something beyond the "tragedy-writers" of his own day, and, upon taking up a popular story, inventing a machinery for "reporting," which should emulate the ingenious device of Euripides in making the ghost of Polydorus briefly tell the history which a ruder stage would have exhi

Mr. Collier has reprinted this story of Laurence Twine with the title-Appollonius, Prince of Tyre: upon which Shakespeare founded Pericles.' We cannot understand this. We have looked in vain throughout this story to find a single incident in 'Pericles,' suggested by Twine's relation, which might not have been equally suggested by Gower's poem. We will not weary our readers, therefore, with any extracts from this narrative. That the author of 'Pericles' had Gower in his thoughts, and, what is more important, that he felt that *Farther Particulars,' p. 33.

his audience were familiar with Gower, is, we think, sufficiently apparent. Upon what other principle can Gower perpetually take up the dropped threads of the action? Upon what other principle are the verses spoken by Gower, amounting to several hundred lines, formed upon a careful imitation of his style; so as to present to an audience at the latter end of the sixteenth century some notion of a poet about two centuries older? It is perfectly evident to us that Gower, and Gower only, was in the thoughts of the author of 'Pericles.'

We call the play before us by the name of 'PERICLES,' because it was so called in the first rudely printed copies, and because the contemporaries of the writer, following the printed copies, so called it in their printed books. But Malone has given us an epigram of Richard Flecknoe, 1670, 'On the Play of the Life of PYROCLES.' There can be little doubt, we think, as Steevens has very justly argued, that Pyrocles was the name of the hero of this play. For who was Pyrocles? The hero of Sidney's 'Arcadia.' Steevens says, "It is remarkable that many of our ancient writers were ambitious to exhibit Sidney's worthies on the stage; and, when his subordinate agents were advanced to such honour, how happened it that Pyrocles, their leader, should be overlooked?" To a young poet, who, probably, had access to the 'Arcadia, in manuscript, before its publication in 1590, the name of Pyrocles would naturally present itself as worthy to succeed the somewhat unmanageable Appollinus of Gower; and that name would recommend itself to an audience who, if they were of the privileged circles, such as the actors of the Blackfriars often addressed, were familiar with the 'Arcadia' before its publication. After 1590 the 'Arcadia' was the most popular work of the age.

It will be seen, then, that we advocate the belief that 'Pyrocles,' or 'Pericles,' was a very early work of Shakspere, in some form, however different from that which we possess. That it was an early work, we are constrained to believe; not from the evidence of particular passages, which may be deficient in power, or

devoid of refinement, but from the entire con

The

| struction of the dramatic action. The play is essentially one of movement, which is a great requisite for dramatic success; but that movement is not held in subjection to a unity of idea. The writer, in constructing the plot, had not arrived to a perfect conception of the principle "That a tragedy is tied to the laws of Poesy, and not of History, not bound to follow the story, but having liberty either to feign a quite new matter, or to frame the history to the most tragical convenience." But with this essential disadvantage we cannot doubt that, even with very imperfect dialogue, the action presented a succession of scenes of very absorbing interest. introduction of Gower, however inartificial it may seem, was the result of very profound skill. The presence of Gower supplied the unity of idea which the desultory nature of the story wanted; and thus it is that, in "the true history" formed upon the play which Mr. Collier has analysed, the unity of idea is kept in the expression of the title-page, as it was lately presented by the worthy and ancient poet, John Gower." Nevertheless, such a story we believe could not have been chosen by Shakspere in the seventeenth century, when his art was fully developed in all its wondrous powers and combinations. With his perfect mastery of the faculty of representing, instead of recording, the treatment of a story which would have required perpetual explanation and connection would have been painful to him, if not impossible.

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Dr. Drake has bestowed very considerable attention upon the endeavour to prove that Pericles' ought to be received as the indisputable work of Shakspere. Yet his arguments, after all, amount only to the establishment of the following theory: “ No play, in fact, more openly discloses the hand of Shakspeare than 'Pericles,' and fortunately his share in its composition appears to have been very considerable: he may be distinctly, though not frequently, traced in the first and second acts; after which, feeling the incompetency of his fellow-labourer, he seems to have assumed almost the entire management of the remainder, nearly the whole of the third, fourth, and fifth acts bearing in

66

written? By no means. We agree with Mr. Hallam that in parts the language seems rather that of Shakspere's "second or third manner than of his first." But this belief is not inconsistent with the opinion that the original structure was Shakspere's. No other poet that existed at the beginning of the seventeenth century-perhaps no poet that came after that period, whether Massinger, or Fletcher, or Webster-could have written the greater part of the fifth act. Coarse as the comic scenes are, there are touches in them unlike any other writer but Shakspere. Horn, with the eye of a real critic, has pointed out the deep poetical profundity of one apparently slight passage in these unpleasant scenes :

disputable testimony to the genius and exe- | presented in the form in which it was first cution of the great master."* This theory of companionship in the production of the play is merely a repetition of the theory of Steevens: "The purpurei panni are Shakspeare's, and the rest the productions of some inglorious and forgotten play-wright." We have no faith whatever in this very easy mode of disposing of the authorship of a doubtful play-of leaving entirely out of view the most important part of every drama, its action, its characterization, looking at the whole merely as a collection of passages, of which the worst are to be assigned to some âme damnée, and the best triumphantly claimed for Shakspere. There are some, however, who judge of such matters upon broader principles. Mr. Hallam says, Pericles is generally reckoned to be in part, and only in part, the work of Shakspeare. From the poverty and bad management of the fable, the want of any effective or distinguishable character (for Marina is no more than the common form of female virtue, such as all the dramatists of that age could draw), and a general feebleness of the tragedy as a whole, I should not believe the structure to have been Shakspeare's. But many passages are far more in his manner than in that of any contemporary writer with whom I am acquainted.”+ Here "the poverty and bad management of the fable" -"the want of any effective or distinguishable character," are assigned for the belief that the structure could not have been Shakspere's. But let us accept Dryden's opinion, that

It

"Shakspeare's own muse his Pericles first bore,"
with reference to the original structure of
the play, and the difficulty vanishes.
was impossible that the character of the
early drama should not have been impressed
upon Shakspere's earliest efforts.

Sidney has given us a most distinct description of that drama; and we can thus understand how the author of 'Pericles' improved upon what he found. Do we therefore think that the drama, as it has come down to us, is

*Shakspeare and his Times,' vol. ii. p. 268. + History of Literature,' vol. iii. p. 569.

"Mar. Are you a woman?

Bawd. What would you have me be, an I be not a woman?

Mar. An honest woman, or not a woman.”

Touches such as these are not put into the work of other men. Who but Shakspere could have written

"The blind mole casts

Copp'd hills towards heaven, to tell, the earth is throng'd

By man's oppression; and the poor worm doth die for 't."

And yet this passage comes naturally enough in a speech of no very high excellence. The purpurei panni must be fitted to a body, as well for use as for adornment. We think that Shakspere would not have taken the trouble to produce these costly robes for the decoration of what another had essentially created. We are willing to believe that, even in the very height of his fame, he would have bestowed any amount of labour for the improvement of an early production of his own, if the taste of his audiences had from time to time demanded its continuance upon the stage. It is for this reason that we think that 'Pericles,' which appears to have been in some respects a new play at the beginning of the seventeenth century, was the revival of a play written by Shakspere some twenty years earlier.

CHAPTER III.

THE HAMLET OF 1603.

THE earliest edition of 'Hamlet' known to exist is that of 1603. It bears the following title: The Tragicall Historie of Hamlet, Prince of Denmarke, by William Shakespeare. As it hath beene diverse times acted by his Highnesse servants in the Cittie of London: as also in the two Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, and elsewhere. At London, printed for N. L. and John Trundell, 1603.' The only known copy of this edition is in the library of the Duke of Devonshire; and that copy is not quite perfect. It was reprinted in 1825.

The second edition of Hamlet' was printed in 1604, under the following title: The Tragicall Historie of Hamlet, Prince of Denmarke. By William Shakespeare. Newly imprinted and enlarged to almost as much againe as it was, according to the true and perfect coppie.'

In the reprint of the edition of 1603, it is stated to be "the only known copy of this tragedy, as originally written by Shakespeare, which he afterwards altered and enlarged." We believe that this description is correct; that this remarkable copy gives us the play as originally written by Shakspere. It may have been piratical, and we think it was so. It may, as Mr. Collier says, have been "published in haste from a short-hand copy, taken from the mouths of the players." But this process was not applied to the finished 'Hamlet; the Hamlet' of 1603 is a sketch of the perfect 'Hamlet,' and probably a corrupt copy of that sketch. Mr. Caldecott believes that this copy exhibits, "in that which was afterwards wrought into a splendid drama, the first conception, and comparatively feeble expression, of a great mind." We think, further, that this first conception was an early conception; that it was remodelled,"enlarged to almost as much againe as it was," at the beginning of the 17th century; and that this original copy, being then of comparatively little value, was piratically published.

The interest of this edition of 1603 consists, as we believe, in the opportunity which it affords of studying the growth, not only of our great poet's command over language -not only of his dramatical skill,-but of the higher qualities of his intellect-his profound philosophy, his wonderful penetration into what is most hidden and obscure in men's characters and motives. We request the reader's indulgence whilst we attempt to point out some of the more important considerations which have suggested themselves to us, in a careful study of this original edition.

And, first, let us state that all the action of the amended 'Hamlet' is to be found in the first sketch. The play opens with the scene in which the Ghost appears to Horatio and Marcellus. The order of the dialogue is the same; but, in the quarto of 1604, it is a little elaborated. The grand passage beginning—

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In the most high and palmy state of Rome," is not found in this copy; and it is omitted in the folio. The second scene introduces us, as at present, to the King, Queen, Hamlet, Polonius, and Laertes, but in this copy Polonius is called Corambis. The dialogue here is much extended in the perfect copy. We will give an example ::

QUARTO OF 1603.

"Ham. My lord, 't is not the sable suit I wear;
No, nor the tears that still stand in my eyes,
Nor the distracted 'haviour in the visage,
Nor altogether mixt with outward semblance,
Is equal to the sorrow of my heart;
Him have I lost I must of force forgo,
These, but the ornaments and suits of woe."

QUARTO OF 1604.

"Ham. "T is not alone my inky cloak, good mother,

Nor customary suits of solemn black,
Nor windy suspiration of forced breath,
No, nor the fruitful river in the eye,
Nor the dejected 'haviour of the visage,

Together with all forms, modes, shows of Such changes are not the work of shortgrief, hand writers.

That can denote me truly: these, indeed, seem, For they are actions that a man might play; But I have that within which passeth show; These, but the trappings and the suits of woe." We would ask if it is possible that such a careful working up of the first idea could have been any other work than that of the poet himself? Can the alterations be accounted for upon the principle that the first edition was an imperfect copy of the complete play,"published in haste from a shorthand copy taken from the mouths of the players?" Could the players have transformed the line

"But I have that within which passeth show," into,

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Him have I lost I must of force forgo."

The haste of short-hand does not account

The interview of Horatio, Bernardo, and Marcellus, with Hamlet, succeeds as in the perfect copy, and the change here is very slight. The scene between Laertes and Ophelia in the same manner follows. Here again there is a great extension. The injunction of Laertes in the first copy is contained in these few lines:

"I see Prince Hamlet makes a show of love.
Beware, Ophelia; do not trust his vows.
Perhaps he loves you now, and now his tongue
Speaks from his heart; but yet take heed, my
sister.

The chariest maid is prodigal enough
If she unmask her beauty to the moon;
Virtue itself 'scapes not calumnious thoughts:
Believe 't, Ophelia; therefore keep aloof,
Lest that he trip thy honour and thy fame."

for what is truly the refinement of the poeti- Compare this with the splendid passage

scene.

cal art. The same nice elaboration is to be
found in Hamlet's soliloquy in the same
In the first copy we have not the
passage so characteristic of Hamlet's mind,
“How weary, stale, flat, and unprofitable,

Seem to me all the uses of this world." Neither have we the noble comparison of "Hyperion to a satyr." The fine Shaksperean phrase, so deep in its metaphysical truth, "a beast that wants discourse of reason," is, in the first copy, "a beast devoid of reason." Shakspere must have dropt verse from his mouth, as the fairy in the Arabian tales dropt pearls. It appears to have been no effort to him to have changed the whole arrangement of a poetical sentence, and to have inverted its different members; he did this as readily as if he were dealing with prose. In the first copy we have these lines,―

"Why, she would hang on him as if increase Of appetite had grown by what it look'd on."

In the amended copy we have—

"Must I remember? Why, she would hang on

him

As if increase of appetite had grown
By what it fed on."

which we now have. Look especially at the following lines, in which we see the deep philosophic spirit of the mature Shak

spere:

"For nature, crescent, does not grow alone
In thews, and bulk; but, as this temple waxes,
The inward service of the mind and soul
Grows wide withal."

Polonius and his few precepts next occur; and here again there is slight difference. The lecture of the old courtier to his daughter is somewhat extended. In the next scene, where Hamlet encounters the Ghost, there is very little change. The character of Hamlet is fully conceived in the original play, whenever he is in action, as in this scene. It is the contemplative part of his nature which is elaborated in the perfect copy. This great scene, as it was first written, appeared to the poet to have been scarcely capable of improvement.

The character of Polonius, under the name of Corambis, presents itself in the original copy with little variation. We have extension, but not change. As we proceed, we find that Shakspere in the first copy more emphatically marked the supposed madness of Hamlet than he thought fit to

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