1869-1873 to restore the Virginius, surrender the survivors and salute the American flag on Christmas Day following. In the meantime, it having been made to appear to the satisfaction of the United States that the Virginius was not entitled to carry the American flag, the salute was dispensed with.45 45 Davis, "International Law," p. 491. Chapter XXXVII GRANT'S SECOND TERM. 1873-1877 I PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1872 EANWHILE the time for another presidential election had come around with its usual political turmoil and disturbance to business. General Grant's administration had given much dissatisfaction to some Republican leaders, and it was the subject of widespread popular criticism, irrespective of party. He had filled many of the offices with his personal friends and relatives without consulting either Cabinet or leaders, and quite a number of his appointees turned out to be rascals. He was himself strictly honest and had good intentions, but seems to have committed the blunder of supposing that all men were like himself in this respect.1 It was found easy to impose upon him, and some of the unscrupulous politicians took advantage of his good nature to gain his ear, only to abuse the trust which he reposed in them. The result was scandalous demoralization and much corruption in high circles at Washington almost unprecedented in the history of the government. "The Civil Service had become," declared the Liberal Republican convention at Cincinnati, a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, a scandal and a reproach to free institutions." 2 Aside from political scandals a great many of the more conservative and liberalminded Republicans were disgusted with the President's Southern policy. The " carpet-bag" governments, with their carnival of misrule and plunder, had caused many of the better Republicans to blush with shame and feel that a great wrong had been committed, not only to the people of the South, but to the entire country. They refused to endorse further such a policy or to support those 1 Hoar, "Autobiography of Seventy Years," vol. i. p. 305. 66 1873 who were responsible for it. Among those who thus broke away from the ranks of the regular Republicans and formed the "liberal movement were Horace Greeley, Charles Francis Adams, son of President John Quincy Adams, Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, and his colleague, David Davis; Carl Schurz, senator from Missouri, an able man of German birth; Stanley Mathews, George W. Julian, Horace White, David A. Wells, Cassius M. Clay, George William Curtis, John G. Whittier, Wendell Phillips, William Lloyd Garrison, Charles Sumner, Alexander Kelly McClure, and many others. They were supported by some of the most influential newspapers of the country, such as the New York Tribune, Chicago Tribune, and the Cincinnati Commercial. Senator Sumner, in a speech in the Senate on May 31, 1873, entitled "Republicanism v. Grantism," asserted that the party had become the “instrument of one man and his personal will. Not only," he said, "are the Constitution and the law disregarded, but the presidential office itself is treated as little more than a plaything and a perquisite." 3 The Liberal Republican movement had its beginning in Missouri, where, under the leadership of Carl Schurz and B. Gratz Brown, a section of the Republican party, disgusted with the proscriptive policy which had been pursued against the ex-Confederates of that State, broke away from their party, joined with the Democrats, and carried the State on a platform favoring a removal of the disabilities of ex-Confederates. In response to a call issued by the Liberal Republican convention of Missouri, a national mass convention of Liberal Republicans was held at Cincinnati, May 1, 1872. The convention was largely attended and contained among its delegates some of the ablest leaders of the Republican party, representing every shade of opinion, but all united in their opposition to Grantism." A platform was adopted demanding the removal at once of all the political disabilities of ex-Confederates, the cessation of military rule in the South, the supremacy of civil over military power, the reform of the civil service, and as a fling at Grant, declared that no President should be eligible to succeed himself. The platform charged that the administration had wantonly disregarded the laws, that the President had prostituted his high office for personal ends, that he had kept "notoriously corrupt and unworthy men in office, that he had interfered in local affairs with " tyrannical 66 Storey, "Life of Sumner," p. 413. 1873 arrogance," and that he was "culpably careless" and "deplorably unequal" to the task imposed upon him by the necessities of the country. Not being able to agree upon a tariff plank, no declaration was made on this subject, and so the party went before the country uncommitted. The coöperation of all patriotic citizens, irrespective of previous political affiliations, was invoked for the success of the principles thus set forth. A more difficult task than framing a platform was the nomination of a candidate to run against Grant. Charles Francis Adams seemed to be the first choice. Like his father, he was a trained. statesman and a finished scholar, and had rendered distinguished diplomatic service; but like his father, also, he lacked tact and was deficient in the personal qualities of a successful politician or a manager of men. Just before the meeting of the convention he wrote a letter to David A. Wells expressing indifference with regard to the nomination and saying that if he was expected to make certain pledges they might "take him out of that crowd." 4 His characterization of the convention as a "crowd" was resented, and he was dropped. David Davis, of Illinois, a justice of the United States Supreme Court, was also a prominent candidate, but the Eastern delegates developed a hostility to him, and he, too, was likewise dropped. After balloting for a while for Senator Trumbull and Horace Greeley, the convention finally nominated Mr. Greeley for President and, with him, B. Gratz Brown for Vice President. Horace Greeley was known far and wide as the brilliant but eccentric editor of the New York Tribune, the most influential Republican newspaper, perhaps, in the country. Of humble birth, he left his father's farm in Vermont in early life and went to Erie, Pennsylvania, where he engaged in the printer's trade. From there, after a short stay, he moved to New York City, journeying partly on foot and partly by canal boat, reaching the metropolis in August, 1831, with scarcely a dollar in his pocket. Again he engaged in the printing business at six dollars a week. Saving up a little money he founded the Tribune in 1841, which rapidly grew in influence, until it came to be read by nearly every Republican and Whig in the country. Greeley soon became a powerful writer, and one of the leaders of the Republican party; but with a style almost vitriolic, he made enemies, and consequently never won the political 4 Stanwood, "History of the Presidency," p. 340. 1873 recognition to which his eminent talents entitled him. As a polemic writer, with the faculty of lucid statement and forceful reasoning, he was easily the ablest editor that the country had ever produced. On July 9 the Democratic national convention met at Baltimore, nominated Greeley and Brown, and adopted the Liberal Republican platform, showing thereby that indifference to their party, their convictions, and their traditions, which has been their chief stumbling block for the past thirty years. Ever since he entered political life Mr. Greeley had been the relentless and implacable foe of the Democratic party, and now they had nominated him for the Presidency. The very prince of protectionists, he had consistently assailed free trade doctrines with all the power with which he was so abundantly endowed. But he was opposed to Grant, and had won the sympathy of the Southern Democrats by stepping forward and signing the bail bond of Jefferson Davis,5 and by his earnest advocacy of universal amnesty. Greeley was accepted by the Democrats simply because they realized the impossibility of contending successfully against Grant with a real Democrat, and they wanted first of all to beat the Republicans and gain office on any terms. It was, in truth, a case of "anything to beat Grant." On June 5 the national Republican convention assembled at Philadelphia and renominated, amid great enthusiasm, General Grant for President without a dissenting voice, and with him Henry Wilson, one of the Massachusetts senators, for Vice President. Wilson, like Lincoln and Johnson, was of humble origin, and early in life followed the occupation of a shoemaker, but by force of character and native ability he rose to be a United States Senator in a State which has always been distinguished for the high character of the men it sends to the upper house of Congress. The platform adopted by the Republicans was devoted largely to glorification of Republican policies and achievements. It declared that the party had "accepted with grand courage the solemn duties of the time," that it had "suppressed a gigantic rebellion, emancipated four million slaves, decreed the equal citizenship of all, established universal suffrage, and exhibited unparalleled magnanimity to reb At the close of the war Mr. Davis was captured in Georgia and imprisoned in Fortress Monroe for about two years, where he was held on the charge of treason against the United States. He was finally released on bail, but was never put on trial. |