صور الصفحة
PDF
النشر الإلكتروني

TO THE

RIGHT HONOURABLE

Sir ROBERT WALPOLE,

Knight of the most noble Order of the Garter, Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of the Exchequer, First Commissioner of the Treasury,

And one of

His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, &c.

As

SIR,

S soon as the demand of the public made it necessary to collect the following papers together, and to prepare a second edition of them, I took the resolution of addressing them to you. The style of my dedication will be very different from that, which is commonly employed to persons in your station. But if you find nothing agreeable in the style, you may find perhaps something useful, something that will deserve your serious reflection, in the matter of it. I shall compare you neither to BURLEIGH, nor GODOLPHIN. Let me not prophane the tombs of the dead, to raise altars to the living. I shall make you no compliments on the wisdom of your administration, nor on the wonders you have performed, to the honour and advantage of this kingdom, in the course of fourteen, or fifteen years, either at home, or abroad. I shall leave these copious themes to others, and shall confine myself to reasons of another kind, that induced me to this dedication. If these reasons prove sufficient

B 2

cient to convince the publick of the extreme propriety of it, I have all that I propose to myself. Give me leave to present to you, in one short view, the general design of these little essays.

They are designed then to expose the artifice, and to point out the series of misfortunes, by which we were divided formerly into parties, whose contests brought even the fundamental principles of our constitution into question, and whose excesses brought liberty to the very brink of ruin.

They are designed to give true ideas of this constitution, and to revive in the minds of men the true spirit of it.

They are designed to assert and vindicate the justice and honour of the revolution; of the principles established, of the means employed, and of the ends obtained by it.

They are designed to explode our former distinctions, and to unite men of all denominations in the support of these principles, in the defence. of these means, and in the pursuit of these ends.

They are designed to show how far these ends were answered at the revolution, or have been an'swered since; and by consequence how much, or how little is wanting, to render that glorious work complete, according to the original plan, and agreeably to the engagements taken, at that time, with the nation.

Let me now appeal to you, sir-Are these designs, which any man, who is born a Briton, in any circumstances, in any situation, ought to be ashamed or afraid to avow? You cannot think it.

You

You will not say it. That never can be the case, until we cease to think like freemen, as well as to be free. Are these designs in favour of the Pretender? I appeal to the whole world; and I scorn, with a just indignation, to give any other answer to so shameless, and so senseless an objection. No; they are designs in favour of the constitution; designs, to secure, to fortify, to perpetuate that excellent system of government. I court no other cause, I claim no other merit.

Stet fortuna domûs, et avi numerentur avorum.

Let the illustrious and royal house, that hath been called to the government of these kingdoms, govern them till time shall be no more. But let the spirit, as well as the letter of the constitution, they are intrusted to preserve, be, as it ought to be, and as we promise ourselves it will be, the sole rule of their government, and the sole support of their power: and whatever happens in the various course of human contingencies, whatever be the fate of particular persons, of houses, or families, let the liberties of Great Britain be immortal.

They will be so, if that constitution, whose genuine effects they are, be maintained in purity and vigour. A perpetual attention to this great point is therefore the interest and duty of every man in Britain; and there is scarce any man, who may not contribute to the advancement of it, in some degree. The old may inform the young, and the young may animate the old. Even they, who are most retired from the scene of business, may be useful in this cause, to those, who are in it; to those who

[blocks in formation]

are heated by the action, distracted by the cares, or dissipated by the pleasures of the world. I say they may be useful and I add, that they ought to be so to the utmost that their situation allows. Government is the business of those who are appoint.. ed to govern, and of those who are appointed to control them. But the British constitution is the business of every Briton. It is so more particularly, indeed, of persons raised, like you, to the highest posts in the government. You lie under particular obligations of this kind, beside the general engagements of interest and duty, that are common to all: and a neglect in others would be a breach of trust in you. We say that our kings can do no wrong. The maxim is wisely established, and ought to be followed, no doubt, as far as the conduct of princes renders the observance of it practicable. But from the establishment of this maxim results the necessity of another, without which the exercise of the executive power would remain under no control. Though our kings can do no wrong, and though they cannot be called to account by any form our constitution prescribes; their ministers may. They are answerable for the administration of the government; each for his particular part, and the prime, or sole minister, when there happens to be one, for the whole. He is so the more, and the more justly, if he hath affected to render himself so, by usurping on his fellows; by wrigling, intriguing, whispering, and bargaining himself into this dangerous post, to which he was not called by the general suffrage, nor perhaps by the deliberate choice of his master himself.

22

« السابقةمتابعة »