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AVERAGE HEIGHT AND WEIGHT OF ITALIAN CHILDREN IN TURIN, NEW YORK

AND HAMMONTON, BY SEX AND AGE.

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5
7 10 5 7 10 5

8 10 5

8. 10 years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years. years.

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These figures indicate that Italian children tend to improve in physique in the United States, an improvement which is more noticeable in a favorable rural environment.

The physical examination of New York and Hammonton children shows other important differences. The agent of an industrial life insurance company reported that in New York City the complexions of the children were waxy, with dark rings under the eyes, and there were general indications of rickets. Out of 604 children examined 59, or 9.8 per cent, had rickets; many children were anemic; their dentition was imperfect; the expressions on their faces were . unpleasant, and their clothes were also ragged and filthy. In different examinations, out of 100 children 44 were considered undesirable risks; out of 94, 20; and out of 200, 64. The Hammonton children, on the other hand, in the opinion of the examining physician, presented fair risks. Their complexions were good and healthy; in only twenty cases were sores or blemishes mentioned, and these not serious; rickets is an unknown disease in Hammonton, and there were no indications of anemia. While the countenances of many of the children were sober, these children seemed happy and well nourished; some had exceptionally bright faces, and few abnormalities were found. There were three definitely marked cases where the teeth indicated syphilis; there were three cases of tongue-tie, four of flat chests, two of phthisis, one of sore eye, one of sore eyelid, and one of puffy eyes; two boys were feeble-minded, and one was eccentric. Several boys had spreading ears, one a mapped tongue and an angular jaw, and another could not straighten his arm because of a fracture. These were the only defects noted in over 300 children. The dentition was generally good, although decay of the teeth had sometimes set in, from lack of care. The examining physician made use of the stethoscope, measured the childrens' chests, and tested their breathing capacity, which demonstrated normal development.

The clothing of the Hammonton children has already been described. It was, however, noticeable in the examination that the unkempt or ragged children were more generally found in the outlying schools; especially was this the case at one school largely frequented by new

Some of these children had strings or strips of calico for hair ribbons, torn shoes and stockings, and but few buttons on their patched and ill-fitting garments. Many children were noted as "not clean," while others were neatly and even tastefully clothed, noticeably in the higher grades and at the central school.

comers.

Unquestionably the physical environment of a rural community like Hammonton makes for the well-being of Italian children, and the good results are soon shown in a better physique.

The recent history of the United States has shown that our cities have been greatly benefited by the influx of young men and women from the country districts, and that the children of immigrants who enter city life by way of the farm—that is, children whose parents have first settled in rural districts where the children have been subject to good physical conditions and a close contact with Americans--undoubtedly are better fitted to cope with the competition and the wear and tear of urban business. There is some slight proof at hand that this is true of Hammonton young men. The following table shows some of the occupations other than farming into which young people have entered. Among those who have gone to Philadelphia it is noticeable that they are engaged in occupations requiring some degree of skill and intelligence.

OCCUPATIONS OF ITALIAN ADULTS OF SECOND GENERATION.

Occupation.

Where employed.

Remarks

Teacher, since 1898.

County schools...

Graduate of high school and of

normal school at Kutztown,

Pa.; mother English. Employed in commission house. New York.

Mother English Pruggist..

Philadelphia.

Brothers. Telegraph operator.

Winslow Barbers (6 in number)

Philadelphia

One married an American. Barler.

Atlantic City Barles

Hammonton

Born in Italy. Clark in market.

Hammonton. Empioved in fruit store.

Philadelphia. Empyurd in navy-yard.

Brothers.

Philadelphia Whiru right.

Philadelphia. Harres maker.

Hammonton.

Brothers. Meii al student

University of Pennsylvania.. Employed in paper mill.

Philadelphia..

Married in Philadelphia, returned to Hammonton, and bought 40

acre farm. In charge of telephone agency.

Mother German. Empv in hat manufactory (18 Philadelphia...

in number Ballernd owner of glass factory.. Hammonton. Frint dealer...

Philadelphia,

Sons of a northern Italian. Constable, labor contractor, agent, Ham nonton. la riser.

Brothers. (rpmerter.

Hammonton. Silsin pralind it't.

Hanimenten Firpinsan house. Philadelphia. Endir fru.t sture".

Philadelphia..

a Not reported

The work chosen by the Italian young people of Hammonton reveals, however, a tendency of far greater importance for the future of Italian immigrants. A large majority of them are found in the local factories, which gives them the continued benefit of country life, with the new homes, the good air, the garden products, the simplə pleasures, and the contact with Americans. It also insures that their children--the third generation will grow up in similar surroundings. For those who finally go to the city it means a previous industrial training that makes them better able to secure good positions. The solution of the problem of assimilating Italian immigrants probably lies in establishing them in country districts where the climate and products are suited to their constitutions and knowledge of farming, and in providing manufacturing plants with simple processes which will require the labor of young people. In order to accomplish this object it is necessary that the immigrants should not be allowed to stop in New York or other cities, but should be conveyed at once to their destination. The Sicilians are especially wedded to country life, but many of the people from southern Italy would be willing to start their new life on our farms if the way were made clear for them. Within the past ten years there has been a tendency for groups of Italians to settle and buy small farms or truck patches near large cities or where some particular kind of work was carried on. Thus, they have located in West Philadelphia near a stone quarry; in Chester, Pa., where manufacturing plants are located; at Rosetta, Pa., where there are quarries, and where the town government is in the hands of Italians; at Alexandria, Va., and at Bryan, Tex., where Italians were sent to work on the railroad, and finding land cheap they sent for their families and bought farms.

Three things are necessary to bring about a proper distribution of Italian immigrants: (1) Well-organized plans, (2) financial support, and (3) an appreciation of the fact that an Italian is a desirable acquisition. The industrial departments of the railroads, the immigration bureaus of the Southern States, the State and town leagues and business men's associations for the betterment of their localities, the United States Immigration Bureau, and the philanthropic societies for alleviating the evils arising from immigration and for aiding immigrants need only to cooperate to provide the plan and the money.

While the need of labor is felt in the South and in various other localities, the Italian has only recently been considered as a possible substitute for northern Europeans. If this brief study has aided in giving a fairer estimate of the qualities of this people, showing them to be industrious, willing, well behaved, and progressive, its object has been accomplished.

304B-No. 70-07---5

A SHORT HISTORY OF LABOR LEGISLATION IN GREAT BRITAIN.

BI A. MAURICE LOW.

EARLY FACTORY CONDITIONS AND LEGISLATION.

1

D T

" Protective labor" legislation in England—that is, · legislation designed purels to profæs men, women, and children working in factories and workshops from the exploitation of their employers-is the contribution of the nineteenth century to civilization. It owes its inception to England: from England it has spread to all the World

. It was forma upua England; English manufacturers were compelled against their will to accept it. Nothing more strikingly typifies the produir elmd view of the rights of employees and the duties and readetes of capital than the protective laws that are now on the suks of Great Britain.

About the king of the last century when the factory displaced the core of industries in England and England entered upon the age of her marvelous rise as a manufacturing and a nation, there also was born in a few men with stategh to foresee the future a desire to protect their fan fhum the cruelty and rapacity of their employers. The net, which at the present time occupies the attention of state altors, economists, and sociologists to a greater degree that sit wher, was in the beginning and is now class legislation in i min

me form. It was for the protection of the masses against the was wrung from a class for the protection of the missieren will be forever associated with this movement; two men who are the treme ends of the social scale. To knew none of the mark of toil and the degradation of want, and Lord Ashley, bastar Ka the Earl of Shaftesbury, who personally

Robert Owen, 1 of the people, philosopher, and seer, the World Opis is eternal wat af gratitude. Owen, the most practical Con of procenter to Americans because for a time he of men, but with Panee colored by the wealth of his

ome to the l’nited States to attempt to

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carry out a visionary project that he believed would be the means of industrial salvation. It failed, but its failure does not detract from Owen's genius, his humanity, and his sound common sense when he dealt with practical questions.

The system which has grown up, which now includes in its scope in England manual workers in every manufacturing industry, began in a haphazard way, as a makeshift, the result always of a compromise as the system was gradually extended, and without any clear conception on the part either of its advocates or opponents of its economic value. That, perhaps, as we look back at it, is one of the most extraordinary things in connection with this legislation. Men were not capable of realizing the economic value of humanity. They did not understand that human beings had a money value; that men, like machines, would last longer and produce a greater output if their capacity was not overstrained. This phase of the question is strikingly emphasized in a noteworthy preface by Sidney Webb to "A History of Factory Legislation,” written by Miss Hutchins and Miss Harrison, and published in London in 1903. Says Mr. Webb:

This century of experiment in factory legislation affords a typical example of English practical empiricism. We began with no abstract theory of social justice or the rights of man, We seem always to have been incapable even of taking a general view of the subject we were legislating upon. Each successive statute aimed at remedying a single ascertained evil. It was in vain that objectors urged that other evils, no more defensible, existed in other trades, or among other classes, or with persons of other ages than those to which the particular bill applied. Neither logic nor consistency, neither the overnice consideration of even-handed justice nor the quixotic appeal of a general humanitarianism, was permitted to stand in the way of a practical remedy for a proved wrong. That this purely empirical method of dealing with industrial evils

made progress slow is scarcely an objection to it. With the nineteenth century House of Commons no other method would have secured any progress at all. More serious is the drawback of the unevenness of the progress. Some industries-cotton spinning, for example—are now so thoroughly guarded by common rules, enforced either by the factory inspector or by the jointly-acting officials of the trade union and the employers' association, that 20 individual mill owner and no individual operative can go far in degrading the standard of life. We have, in the course of a century, in this particular trade so strictly fenced off the downward way that competition, as far as the manufacturing process is concerned, is exclusively concentrated upon the upward way. How potently the additional freedom which the law thus secures, to master as well as to man, has reacted on the efficiency of the industry is, at the opening of the twentieth century, one of our proudest boasts. In spite of the keenest foreign competition the L. ncashire cotton mill, in point of technical efficiency, still leads the world, and the Lancashire cotton spinner, once in the lowest depths of social degradation, now

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