gence to the Scottish parliament, hoping that the same zeal, which had induced the Covenanters twice to run to arms, and assemble troops in opposition to the rights of their sovereign, would make them fly to the relief of their protestant brethren in Ireland, now labouring under the cruel persecutions of the catholics. But the zeal of the Scots, as is usual among religious sects, was extremely feeble, when neither stimulated by a sense of interest, nor by apprehensions of danger. They, therefore, resolved to make an advantageous bargain for the succours they should send to Ireland: and as the English commons, with which they were already closely connected, could alone fulfil any article that might be agreed on, they sent commissioners to London, to treat with that order in the state to which the sovereign authority was really transferred1.

Thus disappointed in his expectation of supplies from the Scots, and sensible of his own inability to subdue the Irish rebels, Charles was obliged to have recourse to the English parliament; to whose care and wisdom, he imprudently declared he was willing to commit the conduct and prosecution of the war. The commons, who possessed alone the power of supply, and who had aggrandized themselves by the difficulties and distresses of the crown, seemed to consider it as a peculiar happiness, that the rebellion in Ireland had succeeded, at so critical a period, to the pacification of Scotland. They immediately laid hold of the expression, by been taken to prove, that the horrors of religious hate, though provoked by persecution, have been greatly exaggerated. But the vindictive and sanguinary disposition of the Irish Catholics, in latter times, leaves us no room to suppose that the description of the cruelties of their bigotted and barbarous ancestors have been overcharged. The stimulating causes I have not concealed, nor have I concealed their effects. The general slaughter I have reduced as low even as Mr. Brooke the author of the Trial of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, could wish; but truth forbids me to disguise the attrocious eircumstances with which it was accompanied.

which the king committed to them the care of that island; and to this usurpation, the boldest they had yet made, Charles was obliged passively to submit; both because of his utter inability to resist, and lest he should expose himself still more to the infamous reproach with which he was already loaded by the puritans, of countenancing the Irish rebellion.

The commons, however, who had projected farther innovations at home, took no steps toward suppressing the insurrection in Ireland, but such as also tended to give them the superiority in those commotions, which they foresaw would soon be excited in England. They levied money under colour of the Irish expedition, but reserved it for enterprizes that concerned them more nearly; they took arms from the king's magazines, under the same pretext, but kept them with a secret intention of employing them against himself. Whatever law they deemed necessary for their own aggrandizement, was voted under pretence of enabling them to recover Ireland; and if Charles withheld the royal assent, his refusal was imputed to those pernicious counsels, which had at first excited the popish conspiracy in that kingdom, and which still threatened total destruction to the protestant interest throughout all his dominions 20. But so great was the confidence of the people in those hypocritical zealots, whose votes breathed nothing but death and destruction to the rebels, that, although no forces were sent to Ireland, and very little money remitted during the deepest distress of the protestants, the fault was never imputed to the parlia

ment !

The commons in the mean time were employed in framing that famous remonstrance, which was soon after followed by such extraordinary consequences. It was not, as usual, addressed to the king, but was a declared appeal to the people. Besides gross falsehoods and malignant insinuations, it contained an enumeration of every unpopular measure, which Charles had embraced, from the commencement of

20. Clarendon, vol. ii.

VOL. II.

Tt

his

his reign to the calling of the parliament that framed it, accompanied with many jealous prognostics of future grievances: and the acrimony of the style was equal to the harshness of the matter.

A performance so full of gall, and so obviously intended to excite general dissatisfaction, after the ample concessions made by the crown, was not only regarded by all discerning men, as a signal for some farther attacks upon the royal prerogative, but as a certain indication of the approaching abolition of monarchical government in England. The opposition which the remonstrance met with in the house of commons, was therefore very great. The debate in regard to it was warmly managed for above fourteen hours; and the vote, in its favour, was at last carried only by a small majority, and seemingly in consequence of the weariness of the king's party, consisting chiefly of elderly men, many of whom had retired". It was not sent up to the house of peers.

No sooner was the remonstrance of the commons published, than the king dispersed an answer to it. Sensible of the disadvantages under which he laboured in this contest, Charles contented himself with observing, that, even during the period so much complained of, the people had enjoyed not only a greater share of happiness and prosperity than was to be found in other countries, but perhaps in England during times esteemed the most fortunate. He mentioned the great concessions made by the crown, protested his sincerity in the reformed religion, and blamed the infamous libels every where dispersed against his person, government, and the established church. "If, notwithstanding these,” added he," any malignant party shall take heart, and be willing to "sacrifice the peace and happiness of their country to their "own sinister ends and ambition, under whatever pretence "of religion and conscience; if they shall endeavour to

21, Rushworth, vol. v. Nalson, vol. ii. Whitlocke, p. 49. Dugdale. p. 71.

"Jessen

"lessen my reputation and interest, and to weaken my law"ful power and authority; if they shall attempt, by dis"countenancing the present laws, to loosen the bands of

government, that disorder and confusion may break in up"on us; I doubt not but God, in his good time, will dis "cover them to me, and that the wisdom and courage of my high court of parliament will join with me in their sup"pression and punishment22."

But the ears of the people were too much prejudiced against the king to listen patiently to any thing that he could offer in his own vindication; so that the commons proceeded in their usurpations upon the church and monarchy, and made their purpose of subverting both every day more evident. During the king's residence in Scotland, they had accused thirteen bishops of high treason, for enacting canons without consent of parliament, though no other method had ever been practised since the foundation of the government; and they now insisted, that the peers, upon this general accusation, should sequester those bishops from their seats in parliament and commit them to prison. But the majority of the peers, who plainly foresaw the oppression of the nobility, as a necessary consequence of the farther encroachments of the commons, paid little regard to such an unreasonable request. Enraged at this, and other checks, the popular leaders openly told the lords, that they themselves were the representative body of the whole kingdom, and that the peers were nothing but individuals, who held their seats in a particular capacity: and, therefore," If their lord"ships will not consent to the passing of acts necessary for "the preservation of the people, the commons, together "with such of the lords as are more sensible of the danger, "must join together, and represent the matter to his "majesty 23."

This was a plain avowal of those democratical principles that began now to be propagated among the people, and

22. Nalson, vol. ii

23. Clarendon, vol. ii.

which had long prevailed in the house of commons, as well as a bold attempt to form a party among the lords. And the tide of popularity seized many of the peers, and carried them wide of all the established maxims of civil policy. Of these the most considerable were the earls of Essex and Northumberland, and lord Kimbolten, afterward earl of Manchester; men who, sensible that their credit ran high with the nation, rashly ventured to encourage an enthusiastic spirit, which they soon found they wanted power to regu

late or controul.

The body of the nobility, however, still took shelter under the throne; and the commons, in order to procure a majority in the upper house, had again recourse to the populace. Amidst the greatest security, they affected continual fears of destruction to themselves and the nation24; they even ordered halberts to be brought into the hall where they assembled; and thus armed themselves against those desperate conspiracies, with which they pretended they were hourly threatened, and the feigned discoveries of which were industriously propagated among the credulous people25. Multitudes flocked to Westminster, and insulted the bishops and such of the peers as adhered to the crown. The lords voted a declaration against these tumults, and sent it to the lower house, but the commons refused their concurrence; and to make farther known their pleasure, they ordered several seditious apprentices, who had been seized, and committed to prison, to be set at liberty26.

Thus encouraged, the populace crowded about Whitehall, and insulted and threatened the king and the royal family. Such audacious behaviour roused the young gentlemen of the inns of court: who with some reduced officers, undertook the defence of their sovereign; and between them and

24. Journ. 16th and 30th of Nov. 1641.

25. Nalson, vol. ii.

26. Id. ibid.

the