well, on another occasion, in order to induce him to embrace a scheme to which he thought the parliament would not agree, warmly said, "My lord, if you will stick firm "to honest men, you shall find yourself at the head of an 66 army, which shall give law both to king and parlia"ment37."—" This discourse," continued Manchester, "made the greater impression on me, because I knew the "lieutenant-general to be a man of deep designs. And he "has even ventured to tell me," added the earl," that it "would never be well with England till I was Mr. Montague, and there was ne'er a lord or peer in the realm 38," cr These violent dissensions brought inatters to extremity between the two sects, and pushed the independents to the immediate execution of their designs. The command of the sword was their grand object; and this they craftily obtained under pretence of new modelling the army. The first intimation of such a measure, conformable to the genius of the hypocritical policy of that age, was communicated from the pulpit on a day of solemn humiliation and fasting, appointed through the influence of the independents. All the reigning divisions in the parliament were ascribed by the fanatical preachers, to the selfish ends pursued by the members; in whose hands, it was observed, were lodged all the considerable commands in the army, and all the lucrative offices in the civil administration. "It cannot be expected," added these spiritual demagogues, "that men, who fatten on the calamities of their country, will ever embrace any ef "fectual measure for bringing them to a period, or the war "to a successful issue." The independents in parliament caught the same tone, and represented the concurrence of so many godly men, in different congregations, in lamenting one evil, as the effect of the immediate operation of the holy spirit. Such, in particular, was the language of sir Henry Vane; who, therefore, entreated the members, in 37. Clarendon, vol. v. 38. Id. ibid. vindication of their own honour, and in consideration of their duty to God and their country, to lay aside all private views, and renounce every office attended with profit or advantage. Cromwell also acted his part to admiration. He declared, that until there was a perfect reformation in these particulars, nothing which they undertook could possibly prosper; for although the parliament, he added, had doubtless done wisely on the commencement of hostilities, in engaging several of its members in the most dangerous military commands, in order to satisfy the nation that they intended to share all hazards with the meanest of the people, affairs were now changed; and a change of measures, he affirmed, must take place, if they ever hoped to terminate the war to advantage39. On the other side, it was urged by the presbyterians, and particularly by Whitlocke, who endeavoured to shew the inconveniency, as well as danger of the projected alteration, that the rank possessed by such as were members of either house of parliament prevented envy, retained the army in obedience, and gave weight to military orders; that greater confidence might safely be reposed in men of family and fortune than in mere adventurers, who would be apt to entertain views distinct from those embraced by the persons that employed them; that no maxim in policy was more undisputed than the necessity of preserving an inseparable connection between the civil and military power, and of retaining the latter in strict subordination to the former; that the Greeks and Romans, the wisest politicians, and the most passionate lovers of liberty, had always entrusted to their senators the command of the armies of the state and that men, whose interests were involved with those of the public, and who possessed a vote in civil deliberations, would alone sufficiently respect the authority of the parliament, and never could be tempted to turn the sword against those by whom 39. Rushworth, vol. vi, Clarendon, vol. v. B 3 VOL. III. it was committed to them. Notwithstanding these argu ments, a committee was appointed to frame what was called the Self-denying Ordinance; by which the members of both houses were excluded from all civil and military employments, a few offices, which were specified, excepted; and through the envy of some, the false modesty of others, and the republican and fanatical views of many, it at last receiv ed the sanction of parliament. In consequence of this ordinance, Essex, Warwick, Manchester, Denbigh, Wallcr, Brereton, and others, resigned their commands, and received the thanks of both houses, Cromwell, who was a member of the lower house, should also have been discarded ; but this impartiality would have disappointed the views of those who had introduced the selfdenying ordinance. Care was therefore taken, at the time the other officers resigned their commissions, that he should be sent with a body of horse to relieve Taunton, then besieged by the royalists. His absence being remarked, orders were dispatched for his immediate attendance in parliament. But sir Thomas Fairfax, the new general, having appointed a rendezvous of the army, desired leave to retain for a few days lieutenant general Cromwell, whose advice, he wrote to the parliament, would be useful in supplying the place of those officers who had resigned and shortly after he begged, with much earnestness, that Cromwell might be permitted to serve during the ensuing campaign'. Thus, my dear Philip, the Independents, though the minority, prevailed by art and cunning over the presbyterians; and bestowed the whole military authority, in appearance, upon Fairfax, but in reality upon Cromwell. Fairfax, who was equally eminent for courage and humanity, sincere in his professions, disinterested in his views, and open in his conduct, would have formed one of the most shining charac 40. Whitlocke, p. 114, 115. 41 Clarendo., vol. v. Whitlocke, p. 141. ters ters of that age, had not the extreme narrowness of his genius, in every thing but war, diminished the lustre of his merit, and rendered the part which he acted, even when vested with the supreme command, but secondary and subordinate. Cromwell, by whose sagacity and insinuation the general was entirely governed, though naturally of an imperious and domineering temper, knew how to employ, when necessary, the most profound dissimulation, the nost oblique and refined artifice, and the semblance of the greatest moderation and simplicity. His vigorous capacity enabled him to form the deepest designs, and his enterprising spirit was not dismayed at the boldest undertakings42 During this competition between the presbyterians and independents for power, both piously united in bringing to the block, the venerable archbishop Laud, who had remained a prisoner ever since his first impeachment. He was now accused of high treason, in endeavouring to subvert the fundamental laws of the kingdom, and of other high crimes and misdemeanors. The same violence, and the same illegality of an accumulative crime and constructive evidence, which had appeared in the case of Strafford, were employed against Laud; yet, after a long trial, and the examination of abové an hundred and fifty witnesses, the commons found so little likelihood of obtaining a judicial sentence against him, that they were obliged to have recourse to their legislative authority, and to pass an ordinance for taking away his life. “No one,” said the aged primate," can be more willing to "send me out of the world, than I am desirous A. D. 1645. "to go." Seven peers only voted on this important question, the rest absenting themselves either from fear or shame43. JAN. 30. This new example of the vindictive spirit of the commons, promised little success to the negociations for peace, which were soon after set on foot at Uxbridge; where sixteen commissioners from the king, met 42. Hume, vol. vii. 43. Warwick, p. 169. with with twelve authorized by the parliament, attended by some Scottish commissioners. It was agreed that the Scottish and parliamentary commissioners should give in their demands with respect to three important articles-religion, the mili tia and Ireland: and that these should be successively examined and discussed, in conference with the king's commissioners44. But it was soon found impracticable to come to an agreement in regard to any of those articles. Besides the insuperable difficulties in regard to religion, the article of the militia was an eternal bar against all accommodation. The king's partizans had always maintained, that the fears and jealousies of the parliament, after the effectual measures taken, in 1641, for the security of public liberty, were either feigned or groundless. Charles however offered, in order to cure their apprehensions, that the arms of the state should be entrusted, during three years, to twenty commissioners, who should be named, either by common agreement between him and the parliament, or one half by him, and the other by the parliament. But the parliamentary commissioners positively insisted on being entrusted with the absolute power of the sword, for at least seven years. This, they affirmed, was essential to their safety. On the other hand, the king's commissioners asked, whether there was any equity in securing only one party, and leaving the other, during the space of seven years, entirely at the mercy of their enemies? And whether, if unlimited authority was entrusted to the parliament for so long a term, it would not be easy for them to keep forever possession of the sword, as well as of every department of civil power and jurisdiction45? After the debate had been carried on 44. Dugdale, p. 758. Whitlocke, p. 121. to 45. Dugdale, p. 877. The parliamentary commissioners were no less unreasonable in regard to Ireland. They demanded, that the truce with the rebels should be declared null; that the management of the war should be given up entirely to the parliament; and, after the conquest of Ireland that |