this opinion he was particularly inclined, by the proposal sent from the council of officers for the settlement of the nation: in which they neither insisted on the abolition of episcopacy, nor on the punishment of the royalists, the very points he had the greatest reluctance to yield, and which had rendered every former negociation abortive. He also hoped, that, by gratifying a few persons with titles and preferments, he might draw over the whole military power, and at once reinstate himself in his civil authority. To Cromwell he offered the garter, a peerage, and the command of the army: and to Ireton, the lieutenancy of Ireland. Nor did he think that private gentlemen, by birth, could entertain more ambitious views 20.

Cromwell, willing to keep a door open for an accommodation with the king, if the course of events should render it necessary, pretended to listen to these secret negociations; but he continued, at the same time, his scheme of reducing the parliament to subjection, and of depriving it of all means of resistance. For this purpose it was required, that the militia of the city of London should be changed, the presbyterian commissioners displaced, and the command restored to those who, during the course of the war, had constantly exercised it. The parliament complied even with so imperious a demand; hoping to find a more favourable opportunity for recovering its authority and influence. But the impatience of the city deprived that assembly of all prospect of advantage from its cautious measures, and afforded the army a plausible pretext for their concerted violence. A petition against the alteration of the militia was carried to Westminster, accompanied by a seditious multitude, who, besieged the house of commons, and obliged the members to reverse the vote they had so lately passed".

No sooner was intelligence of this tumult conveyed to Reading, than the army was put in motion, and marched

20. Parl. Hist. vol. xvi. Clarendon, vol. v. Hume, vol, vii. 21. Rushworth, vol. vii.

toward

toward the capital; in order to vindicate, as they said, the invaded privileges of parliament against the seditious citizens, and restore that assembly to its just freedom of debate and counsel. They were met on Hounslow-heath by the speakers of the two houses, accompanied with eight peers, and about sixty commoners; who, having secretly retired from the city, presented themselves before the army with their maces, and all the ensigns of their dignity, complaining of the violence put upon them, and craving protection22. Thus encouraged, the army advanced to chastise the rebellious city, and reinstate the violated parliament.

Meanwhile the remaining members prepared themselves with vigour for defence, and determined to resist the violence of the army. The two houses immediately chose new speakers, renewed their orders for enlisting troops, and commanded the train-bands to man the lines. But the terror of an universal pillage, and even of a massacre, having seized the timid inhabitants, the parliament was obliged to submit. The army marched in triumph through the city, but without committing any outrage. They conducted to Westminster the two speakers, who resumed their seats, as if nothing had happened; and the eleven impeached members being accused as the authors of the tumult, were expelled. Seven peers were impeached; the lord mayor, one sheriff, and three aldermen, were sent to the tower; several citizens and officers of the militia were committed to prison; the lines around the city were levelled; the militia restored to the independents; several regiments were quartered in Whitehall and the Mews; and the parliament being reduced to absolute servitude, a day was appointed for a solemn thanksgiving to God for the restoration of its liberty23!

The independents, who had secretly concurred in all the encroachments of the military upon the civil power, exulted 22. Rushworth, vol, viii. 23. ld, ibid. Hume. vol. vii.

in their victory. They had now a near prospect of moulding the government into the form of that imaginary republic which had long been the object of their wishes; and they vainly expected, by the terror of the sword, to impose a more perfect system of liberty on the nation, without perceiving that they themselves, by such a conduct must be come slaves to some military despot. Yet were the leaders of this party, Vane, Fiennes, St. John, and others, the men in England most celebrated for sound thought and deep design: so certain it is, that an extravagant passion for sway, will make the most prudent overlook the dangerous consequences of those measures, which seem to tend to their own aggrandizement.-Men, under the influence of such a passion, may be said to see objects only on one side; hence the hero and the politician, as well as the lover, in the failure of their self-deceiving projects, have often occasion to lament their own blindness.

The king, however, derived some temporary advantages from this revolution. The leaders of the army, having now established their dominion over the city and parliament, ventured to bring their captive sovereign to his palace of Hampton-court: where he lived, for a time, with an appearance of dignity and freedom. He still entertained hopes that his negociations with the generals would be crowned with success, and declined all advances from the parliament. Cromwell, it is asserted, really intended to have made a private bargain with the king, but found insuperable difficulties in attempting to reconcile the military fanatics to such a measure. This reason, it is at least certain, he assigned for more seldom admitting the visits of the king's friends. The agitators, he said, had already rendered him odious to the army; by representing him as a traitor, who, for the sake of private interest, was ready to betray the cause of God to the great enemy of piety and religion24.

24. Clarendon, vel. v. Rushworth, vol. viii.

Cromwell

Cromwell thus finding, or pretending to find, that he could not safely close with the king's proposals, affected to be much alarmed for his majesty's safety. Desperate projects, he asserted, were formed by the agitators against the life of the captive monarch; and he was apprehensive, he said, that the commanding officers might not be able to restrain those desperate enthusiasts from effecting their bloody purpose25. In order, however, that no precaution might seem to be neg lected, the guards were doubled upon him, the promiscuous concourse of people was restrained, and a more jealous care was exerted in attending his person; all under colour of protecting him from danger, but really with a view of making his present situation uneasy to him.

ton-court.

These artifices soon produced the desired effect. Charles took a sudden resolution of withdrawing himself from HampHe accordingly made his escape, attended by three gentlemen, in whom he placed particular confidence, namely, sir John Berkeley, Ashburnham, and Legg, though seemingly without any rational plan for the future disposal of his person. He first went toward the sea-coast, and expressed great anxiety, that a certain ship, in which it was supposed he intended to have transported himself beyond sea, had not arrived. After secreting himself for some time at Titchfield, he determined to put himself under the protection of Hammond, governor of the Isle of Wight, nephew to Dr. Hammond his favourite chaplain, but intimately connected with the republican party. For this purpose, Ashburnham and Berkeley were dispatched to that island, but with orders not to discover to the governor the place where the king lay concealed, until they had obtained a promise from him, that he would not deliver up his majesty to the parliament or army. Such a promise would have been a slender security; yet Ashburnham imprudently, if not treacherously, brought Hammond to Titchfield, without exacting

25. Id. ibid.

it. And the king was obliged to accompany him to Carisbrook castle in the Isle of Wight; where, although received with expressions of duty and respect, he found himself in reality a prisoner26.

It is impossible to say how far the firmest mind may, on some occasions, be influenced by the apprehensions of personal danger; but it is certain that Charles never took a weaker step, or one m re agreeable to his enemies, than in abandoning the palace of Hampton-court. There, though a captive, he was of more consequence than he could possibly be any where else, unless at the head of an army. He was now indeed far enough removed from the fury of the agitators, but he was also totally separated from his adherents, and still at the disposal of the army. The generals could, no doubt, have sent him at any time, while in their custody, to such a place of confinement; but the attempt would have been apt to rouse the returning loyalty of the nation. It was therefore an incident as fortunate for his persecutors as it proved fatal to himself, that he should thus timidly rush into the snare.

Cromwell being now freed from all anxiety in regard to the custody of the king's person, and entirely master of the parliament, employed himself seriously to cure the disorders of the army. That arrogant spirit, which he had himself so artfully fostered among the inferior officers and private men, in order to prepare them for a rebellion against their masters, and which he had so successfully employed against both king and parliament, was become dangerous to their leaders. The camp, in many respects, carried more the appearance of civil liberty than of military subordination. The troops themselves were formed into a kind of republic: and all hostile opposition being at an end, nothing was now talked of

26. All the historians of that age, except Clarendon, whose authority is chiefly followed in this narration, represent the king's departure for the Isle of Wight as altogether voluntary. He seems to have probability on his side, in ascribing that measure partly to necessity. Hist. vol. v.

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