of the towns, where the superior comforts a enjoyed by the inhabitants inspired the agricul tion with a desire for similar freedom and co

uplandish folk," however, had no means of union which gave to the towns their strength a Each serf, therefore, endeavoured, with the li savings he had secretly accumulated, to esca enfranchised town, and there hide himself for a day, after which he became legally free. In suc as England, a villein could easily escape. T counties were much more unequal than now their agriculture and population, and when the allowed to hire themselves to other masters, the emigrated to those counties where provisions and employment plentiful. If the villein, therefor his voluntary labour to a distant employer, he hope to be forgotten, or to remain undiscovered b and there was so little communication between re of the country that it was the villein's own fault, singular ill-fortune, if his master ever claimed hi then the law did all it could to favour him, and t obstacle in the way of the lord's suit.

Another series of circumstances which operated in converting the villeins into free labourers was wars carried on against France by our Plantagen To recruit their exhausted armies these soverei obliged to manumit their villeins, because nor freeman was allowed to engage in war. When the was over these emancipated villeins returned home, freedom they had thus acquired excited discontent who still remained in servitude, and induced them confederacies for the attainment of their liberty, and that formidable rebellion under Wat Tyler, which time threatened the very existence of the government

sand privileges
icultural popula
I comfort. The
of forming that
and influence.

little stock of
scape to some
a year and a
such a country
The different
vas regarded

he serfs were

hey naturally
were cheap

fore, engaged

might well by his lord; emote parts

or else his im. Even

threw every

favourably

the long et kings.

gns were

e but a

campaign and the in those

to form to raise

at one

About the same time, i. e. in 1849, there broke out the great pestilence called the Black Death, which swept from the earth nearly one-half the inhabitants. The majority of these were, as we may easily apprehend, of the lower orders, and the consequence was that after the calamity was over labour became scarce, and therefore extremely dear. The labourers, practically acquainted with the natural law of supply and demand, asked for unusually high wages. Instead of leaving the matter to regulate itself, the government, totally ignorant, as everybody then was, of the principles of political economy, issued a proclamation to fix the price of labour. But the proclamation was not attended to; and the parliament enacted the famous Statute of Labourers, to enforce obedience by fines and corporal punishment. A mower, after the pestilence, demanded 12d. a day, and a reaper 8d., with food; wages which were respectively equal to 15s. and 10s. a day in our money. This was exorbitant, and, if persisted in, would soon have ruined capital. The statute therefore enacted that carters, ploughmen, plough-drivers, shepherds, swineherds, and other servants should be content with such liveries and wages as they had received before the pestilence. That where they had been paid in wheat they should receive wheat; that mowers should receive 5d. a day, reapers 2d. and 3d. a day, without food, and weeders and haymakers 1d. a day. And the statute further enacted, that farm labourers were to be hired by the year and not by the day, and that they were to carry the implements of husbandry openly in their hands to the market towns, and apply for hire in the public streets. One would suppose that such a needless interference with the freedom of industry should soon have led to results which would have opened the eyes of the parliament to the folly of such enactments. But it was not so; and the principle of legislation thus begun was maintained and considerably

extended for some centuries after this. In 136 of Apparel was passed, to regulate the diet labourers and artisans. It directed that a servants should be served only once a day wit fish, or the waste of other victuals, as milk and that they should wear cloth of the value of 12d. no more. The cloth worn by yeomen and tradesr to cost more than 18d. a yard, while farm labou wear no kind of cloth except that called black rus a yard. Clothiers were commanded to manu qualities of cloth thus specified, and tradesmen sufficient stock upon hand at the above prices. another statute, called the Second Statute of Lab enacted, confining the labourers to one locality powering the justices of the peace to fix the price every Easter and Michaelmas by proclamation.

Now, I should be wasting your time if I dilated absurdity of this legislation, that fixed the wages f workman should labour, what he should eat, and should be clothed, all which is so utterly at vari the feelings and intelligence of the present age. is one important deduction which may be drawn fro to which I would direct your observation: this evidence which these statutes afford of the new s ments that had risen into importance. A great p the labourers must have clearly emancipated themsel the grasp of their feudal masters, when, instead of trary will of their employers, it was found necessary to acts of parliament to compel them to work. The the end of the fourteenth century; the great mass people were, as compared with their forefathers three years before, rich, thriving, and independent; a change in their opinions had kept pace with the in

ment in their social condition. In the popular of

1363 the Statute

et and dress of
artificers and
with meat and

and cheese; and
2d. a yard, and

esmen was not

Dourers were to
russet, at 121.
nufacture the
en to have a
es. In 1388

abourers, was
ty, and em-
ce of labour

the

ed upon
for which a
nd how he
iance with
But there
om it, and

s is, the
social ele-
portion of
lves from
the arbi-

to resort

ime was

of the
hundred
nd the
prove-
tbreak

under Wat the Tyler, of Deptford, the demands which the
villeins made bespoke men not unacquainted with the essen-
tials of personal liberty, and showed that the spirit of
freedom was abroad, which would soon remove the last harsh
and oppressive bonds which yet bound the villein to his
master.
The rebellion of Jack Cade, seventy years later,
confirmed in the people this conviction of their strength,
and helped them forward in their course. In this second

rising not a word was said about villeinage; that question
had been settled, but the people demanded the redress of
national grievances, and complained of the unjust admini-
stration of the government. The fact is, that in the fifteenth
century the old feudal relations of lord and villein, master
and slave, had become superseded by the modern ones of
landlord and tenant, master and workman, rent and wages.
The landlord had now tenants, who held leases, instead of
being bound to the soil by feudal service. The man who
farmed the land had now hired and free labourers, whom he
paid partly in money and partly in board and lodging, or
whom he paid wholly in money.
There were no thralls,
with collars on their necks, like dogs.
of mutual dependence which had in
bound lord and vassal together-when the lord looked to
his vassal for service, and the vassal looked to his lord
for maintenance and protection-there had now arisen a
spirit of commerce, and of hard bargaining between landlord
and tenant; distraints for rent were common occurrences,
for agriculture was so imperfect that bad seasons often
occurred, and they always produced misery. The full
average crop of an acre of wheat was seldom more than nine
or ten bushels, and the price of corn rose and fell in a most
extraordinary manner. Just before harvest it would be £5
or £6 a quarter, and just after harvest it would suddenly fall
as low as 6s. 8d. The reason of this was that farmers sold

F

Instead of the spirit the early Feudal age

their crops as soon as they were got in, when the glutted: such a tradesman as a corn factor was be found, and the only stores of corn were in abbeys, and granges. When the people bought or labourers received their quantity from their they bought and received their supply for the ye they bought it cheap, and received it in large they were improvident in their consumption of before the next harvest came, it was scarce, and beyond their means. Famines therefore resulted.

Robert Langland, a poet of that day, refers to poem called "The Vision of Piers Plowman." Im after a favourable harvest the people were very par what they ate, but just before harvest they were glad to get anything. In the poem, a personag Hunger comes to the Plowman, gives him some adv the regulation of his appetite, and then demands h in return. "If God permit," says he, "hence no wend, till I have dined by this day, and drunken To this the Plowman replies that he has "no penn either pullet, or goose, or pig; but that he has tw cheeses, a few curds and cream, and an havercake (o besides which he has two loaves of beans and bran, w had baked for his folk." "But, by my soul," qu "I have no salt bacon, nor yet a cokenay (or cook) for to make. I have, however, parsley and porets and many coleplants.

"And eke a cow and a calf, and a cart mare

To draw a-field my dung, the while the drought lasteth.
And by this livelihood I must live till Lammas time,
By that I hope to have harvest in my croft;

And then, I may dress my dinner as me pleaseth." So Piers Plowman and all the poor folk fed Hunger peascods, beans, baken apples, onions, ripe cherries,