to Mr. John Harvey, of London Derry, Merchant, and by him transmitted to the children of the persons above named. Also, I give to the several children of the said Mary, Margarett, and Rebecca, fourteen pounds four shillings and eight pence sterling, Due from Mr. William Squire and Petter Hall, Merchants, in Liver Poole; alsoe, all the money Due to me by a just account, from Mr. William Bowden, Merchant, in London, all which sums I give to the said children of my aforesaid sisters, that shall now be living, to be equally Divided between them, he farely promising, and has promised, to satisfie me, and all other creditors to the full.

Item. I give and bequeath to John Shorly, Sen., one hundred and fifty acres of land, lying and being in Princes Ann County, near the back Bay (being the Remainder of a tract of land Purchased of Capt. Francis Morse), to him and his heirs forever.

It. I give my more scholastic Books of the learned languages, as Lattin, Greek, and Hebrew, to be equally Divided Between Mr. Henry, Mr. Hampton, and Mr. Mackness, non-conforming Ministers at Poakamoake, or thereabouts.

It. I will and ordaine, that my Executors well and truly observe the paper of Directions, by me left under my owne hand, relating to the Disposall of the Remainder of my Books, not before disposed of, as also, concerning Lesser Legacies and Debts, and that it be duly performed.

It. I give and bequeath unto John Shorly, Senr., all such sums, as he at the time of my Death stands to me indebted by bill and account, and that he Be thereby Discharged from the same.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Capt. Horatio Woodhouse, two mares out of my stock at the sea-side.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Thomas Butt and Elizabeth Butt, children of Mr. Richard Butt, two mares, she to have the choice of all I have.

Item. I give and bequeath to Mary Cocke, daughter of Christopher Cocke, one young mare.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Henry Butt, son of Mr. Richard Butt, one young mare.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Thomas Butt, son of Thomas Butt, Dec'd, two young mares, and also my Riding horse, Bridle and Saddle; also my silk damask vest.

Item. My will and desire is, and it is my true intent and meaning of this my will, that, If there should not be mares or horses Enough of the breed of that mare I had from Mr. Lewis Conner, to comply with the aforegoing Divers legacies, that, in that case, my Executors Dispose of them to the several legatees as far as they will goe, and that the other legacies be void.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Mr. Richard Butt, Senr., my Greate Riding Coate, with Twenty yards of Brown Linning that is in the chest of goods.

Item. I give and bequeath unto Mrs. Martha Thouston, a piece of black flowered Damask, being the same she formerly gave me.

Item. My will and desire is, that if any Debt or Debts should justly appear to be due and owing, to any person whatsoever, that they be satisfied by my Executors hereafter named, out of what tobaco or money, which Mr. Richard Butt is requested to direct and assist them in; and for his trouble, my will and desire is, that he, the said Richard Butt, have a

good portion of my English good Books; and that if any person shall, after my Decease, make any Just claim to any Book or Books, my will and Desire is, that they have them Delivered to them by my Executors, or whom they shall order; and I doe further Request and Order and appoint my friends, Coll. Edward Moseley and Mrs. Martha Thouston, to be my Executors, in trust to see this my Last Will and Testament well and Truly performed, according to the Intent, purport, and true meaning

thereof.

In witness whereof I have hereto set my hand and seal, the day of the year first above written.

In presence of us,
Signum.

SARAH BUTT,
NATH'EL BUTT,
THOS. BUTT, SR.,

THOS. BUTT, JR.

JOSIAS MACKIE, & Seale.

Proved by the oath of Thomas Butt, Senr., and Thomas Butt, Jr., in open court, this 16th day of Nov. 1716, and ordered to be committed to record.

Test.

THOMAS BUTT,

Dep. Clk.

PORTSMOUTH, VA., Aug. 21, 1856.

DEAR BROTHER: Above you have Mackie's will, which I should have sent you before, but for interruptions I could not prevent. It is almost entirely without punctuation in the old register, through the carelessness, no doubt, of the clerk; but the capitals, orthography, &c., are accurately copied. The photograph of the Rehoboth Church I will send you shortly. I greatly deplore the death of our estimable and valuable Brother Webster.

Your brother, &c.,

ISAAC W. K. HANDY.

THE YELLOW FEVER PERIODS.

WE have before us a record of the visitations of the yellow fever to the City of New York and Philadelphia, from 1793 to 1822. The year last named was the last visitation of yellow fever to the City of New York.

In 1793, the winter in which the year commenced was unusually mild, and on the 8th of January pigeons were very plenty in the woods of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and continued so abundant for two months, that they were sold in the Philadelphia market for eighteen pence per dozen.

In August of that year, the yellow fever commenced in Philadelphia, and continued to the end of October. The deaths by that pestilence were about five thousand.

On nineteen days in August of that year, the maximum temperature ranged from 80° to 87°, averaging about 83° maxima. A heated term commenced on the second day of that month, and continued to the 25th. The recorded maximum temperature ranged from 78° to 87°, for twenty

four consecutive days. The greatest change during twenty-four hours of the days of this term was on the 25th, and was 16. In September, but four days gave a temperature of 78° and upwards, and the greatest change during any day was but 13°. October gave but one day of a temperature above 68°, and that was on the first day-73° maximum. On the 27th, temperature fell to 39°; 28th, to 35°; 29, to 33°, and on the 30th to 32°, and the pestilence ceased.

In 1794 the yellow fever visited New Haven, Conn., and Baltimore, Md., and is noticed at length in NOAH WEBSTER'S work on pestilential diseases, published in 1799. May and June of that year presented a rainy term at greater length than has at any time since been experienced in this section of the continent. In that year there were several deaths of persons in New York who came with, and of others who worked on board, a vessel from Antigua.

In 1795, about the middle of August, a putrid fever broke out in Water Street, New York, of which many people died. The fever abated about the 26th of October. My record of temperature is blank for that entire month. The number of deaths by the pestilence were reckoned at from 800 to 1000. The first frost of the season occurred on the 19th. New cases with persons who had already taken the disease occur five or six days after frost, or in a pure atmosphere five or six days after exposure in an infected district.

1796. From the 13th to 19th of July it was reported that yellow fever existed at Whitehall Slip, but on the two last days of that month there were no signs of it. July had been dry and hot, and but one light shower for twenty-five days. On the 22d of August the fever again made its appearance, but wholly disappeared on the 8th of October. lowest temperature for the term, was on that day, 48°, not low enough for frost. The wind was north and northwest all day of 7th and 8th of October.

The

1797.-August 7, a distemper among the cats. A man was employed to collect the dead cats and bury them; he collected 270 one morning. The yellow fever was very fatal that year in Philadelphia; there was 118 deaths in that city by the pestilence in two days in September.

1798.-Yellow fever appeared in Boston and Philadelphia simultaneously, about the 8th, and in New York about the 20th of August. The deaths were very numerous both in New York and Philadelphia. Our memoranda says: 84 new cases and 64 deaths in twenty-four hours in Philadelphia. In New York, on the 10th of September, 25 deaths; 13th, 42 deaths; 20th, 54 deaths; 27th, 58 deaths. I forbear to quote further. It was a fearful time. On the 13th of October the mortality increased, and on the 29th the temperature fell below 36°, and the fever ceased in five days after. The heated terms of August of that year were numerous, but not of long duration.

1799.-Rumors of yellow fever at Philadelphia, as early as the 3d, and at New York on the 23d July-on the 29th, the fever disappeared, but on the 11th of August, it was again reported, but on the 27th, was supposed to have entirely gone; and on the 31st, Dr. POST, a physician of high standing, remarked that he had never known a more healthy season, but in four days after the fever became very bad. At the time Dr. POST made this remark, about one-third of the inhabitants had left the city on account of the reports of the fever. The fever continued till the

19th of October. A frost came on the 18th, preceded by a temperature of 34°, and 18° change, on the 17th, which was the greatest change during any period of 24 hours for several months. On the 20th, the inhabitants returned to their dwellings.

I have omitted to mention many important facts on my records, in order to bring this communication within a readable compass, and here break off, leaving what further we have to say of subsequent years, for another, or two other communications. Too much caution cannot be used to guard our immense population from like visitations.

BROOKLYN HEIGHTS.

E. MERIAM.

Keview and Criticism.

THE PROPHETS OF THE RESTORATION: Or Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. A new translation with notes. By the Rev. T. V. MOORE, D.D., Pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Richmond, Va. New York: Robert Carter & Brothers: pp. 408. This volume is highly creditable to the talents, scholarship, and industry of the author. It is a work of much learned research, and has been produced amidst the abundant labours of a large pastoral charge. The Introduction, which is able, discusses first the nature of the prophetic gift; secondly, the nature of the prophetic office, and its relation to the Old Testament history; thirdly, the historic features of the restoration, and fourthly, the literature of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. This discussion, though full and satisfactory, omits one topic which might have properly received a brief notice, viz., the changes which the lapse of time and the residence of the Jews in a foreign land had made in the forms of a number of Hebrew words, as shown by comparing these prophets with the Pentateuch, and other earlier writings of the Old Testament; serving to corroborate and confirm other species of evidence, concerning the chronology of the different books.

The new translation is not offered as a substitute for the common version, but as a commentary to aid in elucidating the sense of the original. If the former had been the author's design, we should be disposed to call in question some of these readings as compared with the common version. But for the purpose which he has in view, additional light is thrown on the text, and hence in connection with the notes, the new translation as well as the old, may be read with advantage, and both should be compared with the original Hebrew.

The notes are clear and judicious, and they are generally sustained by reasons which carry to the mind a conviction of their correctness. Many of these reasons can be understood and appreciated by all intelligent readers. The exceptions to this, are such as relate to the lexicography and grammatical construction of the original, with which the author exhibits a gratifying familiarity. The practical inferences are briefly stated, but are relevant and pithy. We regard the volume as a very valuable addition to the literature of the Old Testament; and we earnestly

commend it to the perusal of all our readers, and particularly to ministers and students of theology.

As a specimen of the author's style, we quote entire his note on Malachi 4 6, which he translates thus:

"And he shall return the heart of the fathers to the sons, and the heart of the sons to the fathers, lest I come and smite the land with a curse.' V. 6, describes the work of the preacher of repentance. The expression, 'return the heart of the fathers to the sons, and the heart of the sons to the fathers,' has usually been explained to mean the restoration of domestic harmony among the people. But this is a very meagre sense of words that close up the utterances of God to his people for twelve generations. Want of domestic concord was not one of the sins charged upon the people, and its removal would hardly be the great work assigned to the Elijah messenger. The meaning is suggested in the words of the angel to Zacharias, in Luke 1: 16, 17; where, instead of the clause, 'the heart of the sons to the fathers,' is put, 'the disobedient to the wisdom of the just.' This paraphrase indicates that the hearts of the devoted ancestors, were to live again in the obedience of the repentant posterity, and that the backslidden sons were to be restored to the piety of their fathers. The piety of the fathers had been referred to repeatedly before (see 1: 2; 2: 5, 6; 3: 4), and the promise is, that this piety should live again in the children, under the Elijah call to repentance, and it is threatened, that if this is not the result, the land shall be laid under the terrible herem. This was a devotion to destruction, such as was done to the Canaanites by the judicial act of God. As these guilty nations were cut off because of their sins, so should the people who had taken their place on the soil of the land of promise, or those who in turn would take their place on the covenants of promise, if they imitated their sinful example. This was fulfilled five hundred years afterward, when the chosen people were finally rejected, and the awful blood was upon them and their children, according to their own imprecation. And to this hour, the soil that was wet with that blood lies under the terrible herem, and will so continue, until that Elijah call that shall bring back the heart of David, of Isaiah, and of Nathaniel, to their exiled posterity, enabling them to see Him whom they have pierced, and to cry, My Lord and my God!' And by the same principles of interpretation that we have applied to the previous verse, do we extend this warning to every age of the Church, and find in it the germ of the solemn admonition of Paul in discussing the same subject (Rom. 11:20, 21): 'Be not highminded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural branches, take heed, lest he also spare not thee.'"

AN ADDRESS TO THE CHURCH EXTENSION COMMITTEE, AND TO THE MINISTERS, ELDERSHIP, AND CONGREGATIONS OF THE PRESBYTERY OF PHILADELPHIA, BY REV. NATHANIEL WEST, D. D., SUPERINTENDENT.

THIS Address is a brief and pithy exposition of 2 Sam. 10: 12: "Be of good courage, and let us play the man for our people, and for the cities. of our God, and the Lord do that which seemeth him good." The principal points discussed are-I. Noticing some IMPORTANT FACTS in relation to cities, deduced from the word of God. II. Presenting some arguments why no scriptural means should be omitted, and no expense spared, to extend the influence of pure Christianity in cities and growing centres of population. III. Some thoughts on the mode of proceeding. The discussion is pertinent and forcible; and it is no less adapted to Church extension in other cities than in Philadelphia. We should regard the circulation of this Address as a valuable auxiliary to the efforts of those who are engaged in the work of promoting religion in cities in any form, but especially in raising funds to erect houses of worship, establish