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phus came in, Silenus was gravelled, and out of Countenance, not knowing where to carp at him; fave at the last he gave a glance at his patience towards his wife. And the virtue of this Prince, continued with that of his Predeceffor, made the name of Antoninus fo facred in the World, that though it were extremely difhonoured in Commodus, Caracalla, and Heliogabalus, who all bore the name, yet when Alexander Severus refused the name, because he was a stranger to the Family, the Senate with one acclamation said, Quomodo Auguftus, fic et Antoninus. In fuch renown and veneration was the name of these two Princes, in those days, that they would have it as a perpetual addition in all the Emperor's ftyles. In this Emperor's times also the Church for the most part was in peace; fo as in this sequence of fix Princes we do fee the bleffed effects of Learning in fovereignty, painted forth in the greatest Table of the World.

But for a Tablet, or Picture of smaller volume, (not prefuming to speak of your Majesty that liveth,) in my Judgment the most excellent is that of Queen Elizabeth, your immediate Predeceffor in this part of Britain; a Princess that, if Plutarch were now alive to write lives by parallels, would trouble him, I think, to find for her a parallel amongst women. This Lady was endued with learning in her sex fingular, and rare even amongst masculine Princes; whether we speak of Learning, Language, or of science, modern or ancient, Divinity or Humanity: and unto the very laft year of

her life she was accustomed to appoint fet hours for reading, scarcely any young Student in a Univerfity more daily, or more duly. As for her government, I affure myself, I shall not exceed, if I do affirm that this part of the Island never had fortyfive years of better times; and yet not through the calmness of the season, but through the wisdom of her regimen. For if there be confidered of the one fide, the truth of Religion established, the constant peace and fecurity, the good administration of Juftice, the temperate use of the prerogative, not flackened, nor much strained, the flourishing state of Learning, fortable to so excellent a Patronefs, the convenient estate of wealth and means, both of Crown and Subject, the habit of obedience, and the moderation of discontents; and there be confidered, on the other fide, the differences of Religion, the troubles of Neighbour Countries, the ambition of Spain, and oppofition of Rome; and then, that he was folitary and of herfelf: these things, I fay, confidered, as I could not have chofen an instance so recent and so proper, so, I fuppofe, I could not have chofen one more remarkable or eminent to the purpose now in hand, which is concerning the conjunction of learning in the Prince with felicity in the people.

Neither hath Learning an influence and operation only upon civil merit and moral virtue, and the Arts or temperature of peace and peaceable government; but likewise it hath no less power and efficacy in enablement towards martial and mili

tary virtue and prowess; as may be notably represented in the examples of Alexander the Great, and Cæfar the Dictator, mentioned before, but now in fit place to be resumed; of whofe virtues and Acts in war there needs no note or recital, having been the wonders of time in that kind: but of their affections towards learning, and perfections in learning, it is pertinent to say somewhat.

Alexander was bred and taught under Ariftotle the great Philofopher, who dedicated divers of his Books of Philofophy unto him: he was attended with Callisthenes and divers other learned persons, that followed him in Camp, throughout his Journeys and Conquefts. What price and estimation. he had learning in doth notably appear in these three particulars: first, in the envy he used to express that he bore towards Achilles, in this, that he had fo good a Trumpet of his praifes as Homer's verses; fecondly, in the judgment or folution he gave touching that precious Cabinet of Darius, which was found among his jewels; whereof queftion was made what thing was worthy to be put into it; and he gave his opinion for Homer's works: thirdly, in his letter to Ariftotle, after he had fet forth his books of Nature, wherein he expoftulated with him for publishing the secrets or Myfteries of Philosophy; and gave him to understand that himself esteemed it more to excel other men in Learning and knowledge than in power and Empire. And what use he had of learning doth appear, or rather shine, in all his fpeeches and answers, be

ing full of science, and use of science, and that in all variety.

And herein again it may seem a thing scholastical, and somewhat idle, to recite things that every man knoweth; but yet, fince the argument I handle leadeth me thereunto, I am glad that men shall perceive I am as willing to flatter, if they will fo call it, an Alexander, or a Cæfar, or an Antoninus, that are dead many hundred years fince, as any that now liveth for it is the displaying of the glory of Learning in Sovereignty that I propound to myself, and not a humour of declaiming in any man's praises. Observe then the speech he used of Diogenes, and fee if it tend not to the true state of one of the greatest questions of moral Philosophy; whether the enjoying of outward things, or the contemning of them, be the greatest happiness: for when he faw Diogenes fo perfectly contented with fo little, he said to those that mocked at his condition, Were I not Alexander, I would wish to be Diogenes. But Seneca inverteth it, and faith; Plus erat, quod hic nollet accipere, quàm quod ille poffet dare. (There were more things which Diogenes would have refused, than there were which Alexander could have given.)

Obferve again that speech which was usual with him, That he felt his mortality chiefly in two things, Sleep and Luft; and fee if it were not a speech extracted out of the depth of natural Philosophy, and liker to have come out of the mouth of Aristotle or Democritus, than from Alexander.

See again that speech of Humanity and poefy; when upon the bleeding of his wounds, he called unto him one of his flatterers, that was wont to afscribe to him divine honour, and faid, Look, this is very blood; this is not fuch a liquor as Homer fpeaketh of, which ran from Venus' hand, when it was pierced by Diomedes.

See likewise his readiness in reprehenfion of Logic, in the speech he used to Cassander, upon a complaint that was made against his father Antipater: for when Alexander happened to say, Do you think these men would have come from so far to complain, except they had just cause of grief? And Caffander anfwered, Yea, that was the matter, because they thought they should not be disproved. Said Alexander laughing: See the fubtilties of Ariftotle, to take a matter both ways, Pro et Contra, &c.

But note again how well he could use the same Art, which he reprehended, to serve his own humour: when bearing a fecret grudge to Callifthenes, because he was against the new ceremony of his adoration, feasting one night where the same Callifthenes was at the table, it was moved by fome after fupper, for entertainment fake, that Callifthenes, who was an eloquent man, might speak of some theme or purpose, at his own choice: which Callifthenes did: choofing the praise of the Macedonian Nation for his difcourfe, and performing the fame with so good manner, as the hearers were much ravished: whereupon Alexander, nothing

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