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sailor would compare it to the flux and reflux of the sea; in short every thing vacillative might be represented in this “ change sides and back again.” The chapter on “ La Danse chez les anciens” is rather a collection of passages relating to it, which are thrown together without reserve: but surely Dinah, Jephthah's daughter, the maidens of Shiloh, David, and Michal, might have been mentioned without extracts, as the references are generally known. This diarrhæa of quotations (for it deserves no other name) is not so violent with regard to the classics, though a few notices from Homer and Hesiod are given in the words of their translators : indeed, as the work is designed for ladies, to have cited the original Greek would have been cruel.
For the collected knowledge on this subject, we must refer our readers to the “ Fêtes et Courtisanes de la Grèce:” let us now turn to the Romans.
L'introduction de la danse chez les Romains n'eut pas le même résultat que chez les Grecs. La danse Romaine, sacrée dans son origine, était noble et sévère comme les objets qu'elle était destinée à représenter. Les Etrusques, en faisant connoître à Rome les danses passionnées de la molle Ionie, portèrent un coup funeste à l'antique austérité des moeurs des fils de Mars. Ce n'était que par degrés que les Grecs avaient passé des danses allégoriques aux danses voluptueuses: chez eux les fêtes de Bacchus et de Cérès, symboles des plus saints mystères, liées au culte du soleil et de la reproduction, étaient devenues successivement celle de l'amour, du plaisir et de la licence, dont elles offraient le tableau le plus énergique et le plus séduisant. Les Romains, moins délicats et peut-être plus ardens pour le plaisir, commencèrent par
où les Grecs avaient fini. P.70.
The next paragraph is equitable, though written with partial feelings :
La danse ne conserva pas son véritable caractère que chez les peuples où les femmes furent admises au partage des amusemens de la vie sociale; ce qui en fait la charme, c'est l'assemblage des deux sexes s'unissant pour partager les plaisirs qui succèdent aux travaux des champs, les joies de la victoire, ou pour célébrer les doaceurs de la paix des foyers. A Rome, on appela sur la scène des jeunes hommes pour remplacer les femmes. Mais les voiles et les bandelettes virginales ne donnent point la pudeur; le masque même ne peut l'imiter. Privés de cette sainte gardienne des moeurs, les acteurs dépassèrent la mesure que les femmes seules savent conserver. Le goût des spectateurs se blasa, et les uns et les autres s'adonnèrent aux plus déplorables excès. De-là l'origine du mépris attaché à la profession de danseur. P. 71.
Those who wish for ocular information on the Roman dance, may consult D'Hancarville's Antiquités d'Herculaneum, Pompeii, et Stabia, with representations from the antique, by David: the “Seven Dancers" are well known; a description of them is given at p. 79-81.
La danse, chez les Grecs, occupait la première place dans les institutions civiles, morales et religieuses. Les Romains avaient une manière de penser bien différente; ils regardaient la danse.“ comme une espèce de chasse honteuse et insensée, indigne de la gravité d'un homme, et de l'estime d'une femme honnête.” Cicéron prétendait que personne ne dansait à jeun à moins qu'il ne fût attaqué de folie. 'Horace met la danse au nombre des infamies qu'il reproche aux Romains. C'était parmi les esclaves qu'on prenait les danseurs de profession; l'exercice de l'art des Pylade et des Bathille, comme de toutes les professions qui ne servent qu'à l'amusement des hommes, privait le chevalier de sa noblesse, et ne lai laissait pour dédommagement que les louanges effrénées de la multitude, un peu d'or, et quelquefois une pierre sépulchrale. P. 85.
The dances of the northern nations form the intermediate link between the ancient and modern times; when we meet with anathemas aud penances, amounting to a proof of their prevalence. It remains to say, that these volumes are elegantly written and printed, and will probably adorn many a boudoir, while their ponderous brethren “ cram the groaning shelves.”
ON THE VARIOUS READINGS OF THE
LETTER III.—[Continued from No. LV.] The only attempts which have been made in England to form a standard Hebrew text of the entire Old Testament, by the aid of Kennicott's and De Rossi's collations, and of the ancient Versions, are Boothroyd's Biblia Hebraica, and Hamilton's Codex Criticus of the Hebrew Bible. Both of these works were mentioned in my last letter, and I now proceed to give a more particular account of them. The text adopted by Boothroyd is
'In another place she compares it to “une belle et ravissante cour: tisane
que l'on adore, qu'on couvre de bijoux, mais que l'on n'estime point."
Salluste, dans le portrait qu'il fait de Sempronia, complice de
that of Vander Hooght, which may be considered as the established Hebrew text, having been taken as the groundwork both of Kennicott's and De Rossi's collations, and having been generally referred to as the common text by Hebrew critics for the last 120 years. The readings of the collated Mss., the Samaritan text, and the ancient versions, which are considered by the author as preferable to the common readings, are inserted immediately below the text, and referred to by small letters. The critical and explanatory notes, which are placed at the bottom of the page, either support and illustrate the reading proposed for adoption, or explain the sense of the passage. I have observed in a former letter, that this work contains many valuable notes, and that the readings of the Mss. and versions are generally well selected. But many inore might easily be added, which are preferable to the common readings, and some readings in Boothroyd's margin are supported by very slender evidence. It is to be regretted, however, that a work so useful is so negligently executed. It is necessary to bring some proofs of this assertion, both to prevent an implicit reliance on the correctness of the work, and to induce the author, in case of a second edition, to take particular care in correcting the errors which disfigure the first. The table of errata prefixed to the second volume contains 153 errors of the press. In addition to these, I have noticed the following errors in the 24th chapter of Genesis.
Errors in the Hebrew text.
. . .
. Errors in the Notes. Mr. Boothroyd has in general made po distinction betweeri the Mss, and the Editions. Thus in the note on V. 22. niwa S. 64. Mss. instead of S. 57. Mss. 7 Edd. Note on V. 47. S. 16. Mss. instead of S. 12. Mss. 4 Edd., &c. This, however, is not an error of much consequence, and seems naturally to have arisen from Dr. Kennicott's Mss. and Editions being classed together in the various readings subjoined to the text, and only to be distinguished by referring to his catalogue of Mss. and Editions. It would bave been better to have included both Mss. and Editions under the general head “Codices,” or “ Codd. ;" apprising the reader of it in the preface. I now proceed to notice errors of more importance. V 3. for
.הגמלים read גמלים Ibid. for גמליך read הגמליך Verse 46.: for
עשור read עשרה V. 55.: for
לבני השאבות - השאבית -.11
והנערה read הנערה v. 16. for ירד וקורד
.לשקותו- .19 להשקותו
,ds iroadsato vuow :ותכל להשקתו instead of רכל לשתות read
ואשתה read אשתה v. 46. for
.ומגדנות read מננדות v. 53. for
.ועד read וסד v. 25. for
V. 19. bia, d, [i. e. Septuagift, Vulgạte:) they seem to have
: s , Septuagint: cumque itle bibisset, Vulg. v. 38. after s'y read S. iostead of 1 Ms.
V. 47. - DUX S. 16. Mss. read V. 40. for So. read 40.
D'URI 12 Mss. 4 Edd. V. 44. M'ONT S. 31 Mss. read . . 27 S. 21 Mss.
v. 60. 90 read 60, and dele S. I have already observed that none of these errors are noticed in the table of errata. I have not examined any other chapter so minutely; but in the course of reading the 2d book of Samuel, I have noticed the following errors, which are not in: serted in the table of errata.
Errors in the Hebrew text.
Errors in the Notes. 2 Sam. i. 6. for wp2777 read
- vi. 2. w. [i. e. wanting) od 9 1. 2. 1907 m. Mss.-only Mss. v. v.-only 1 Ms. omits 5 Mss. support this reading. iii. 15. 2059 and Umm. Mss. - vii. 33. Obx 75 77 parall. loc. only 1 Ms. reads 45.
1 Chron. xvii. 21.-072877 is
m the reading 1 Chron. xvii. 21. Mss.-only i reads 1713), and xiii. 12. Ditxe-read OTRO. none read innen: 2 Corld. read
. . . . Much allowance perhaps should be made for errors not easily avoided in so laborious a work; yet it must be admitted, that, in endeavoring to restore the sacred text to a higher degree of accuracy, scrupulous correctness is one of the most important requisites.
It is now time to direct our attention to Hamilton's Codex Criticus. In a dedication to the Bishop of Raphoe, now Archbishop of Dublin--the learned author of the discourses on the scriptural doctrines of Atonement and Sacrifice, Mr. Hamilton calls bis Codex Criticus, "a preparatory specimen.
It forms a thin octavo volume : from its size, therefore, it can only comprise a selection of the most important various readings; and many very worthy of note are necessarily omitted. The work is preceded by a sensible preliminary essay on the nature and necessity of the undertaking. The text is that of Vander Hooght; in which the various readings which Mr. H. considers as decidedly preferable to the common reading are inserted in hollow letters; and the word or words, as they stand in Vander Hooght, are ex
.m וימתוהו and ויכוהו .7.iv
.הגיד read-הוגיד .31 .xv
.ומיתוהו .המוציא read-והמוציא .2 .v
bibited in the margin, so that the entire of his text is printed. The inferior margin contains such various readings as were deemed worthy of notice, though not entitled to a place in the text; these are divided into t, probably true, and I, possibly 'true. The notes state the authorities which support the readings. An appendix is subjoined, containing remarks on such readings as require longer notes to justify then than could have been admitted into the text. Nothing can be more judicious than this plan; and so far as I have examined the work, great care seems to have been taken by the author to admit no new readings into the text, but on strong grounds of sound criticism, and on the authority of Hebrew Mss. As a preparatory specimen it could not be expected to contain all, or nearly all the various readings which may justly be considered as preferable to the text of our common Hebrew Bibles: but, as far as the author has gone, he has shown judgment in his plan, and, I believe, correctness in the execution of it. I trust, therefore, that he will receive such encouragement in the prosecution of his great work, as will persuade and enable him to supply so important a desideratum to the British public. After having said so much in commendation, I wish to make a few observations on the references and abbreviativps which Mr. Hamilton has used, and which are rather perplexing to the reader, but easily admit of improvement. It would have been better if, instead of introducing new arbitrary signs, Mr. H. had, as much as possible, adopted those which have already been used by Biblical critics, and some of which may be considered as established by common consent. Besides these objections to the kind of signs used in the Codex Criticus, the text is also embarrassed by their number. There are 18 letters, referring to different authorities, nine of which I believe are new, and contain no natural connexion with the authority to which they refer; I mean that they are neither initial letters, nor known signs of the authority. I subjoin a list of references in three columns. The first contains the principal notes of reference in Boothroyd's Hebrew Bible; the second, the principal notes of reference in the Codex Criticus ; the third contains notes of reference, most of which have been already used by Biblical critics, and which appear to me preferable to those of Boothroyd and Hamilton. I have retained what appeared the best notes in both the works referred to.