tion and by the precious freedom which enables the men and women who possess remarkable natural gifts of any sort to develop and utilize those gifts. This democratic mobility is an application of the general principle that human beings of the same sort, possessing the same desires and governed by the same motives, will seek each other out and associate in the pursuit of common objects, whether at work or at play. At the North, then, people do not in the least connect political equality with social equality of intercourse. In this respect the northern people closely resemble the English and the nations of continental Europe that have introduced the ballot into their political structures. No European has ever associated the possession of the ballot with social equality. An Englishman would find such an idea utterly unintelligible. During the nineteenth century there have been successive extensions of the suffrage in England, but these extensions have not affected in the least the social classification of the English people. To the northern mind there is something positively comical in the notion that a letter carrier or a fourth-class postmaster or an alderman changes his social status or his social prospects when he attains to his office. At the North this man remains in the social position to which his education, business training, and social faculties entitle him. His fellow-citizens may form a new opinion about him from the way he does his work and from his bearing and manners, but if his social status is altered in any way it will be because his personal qualities give him a lift or a drop, and not because he holds an office by election or appointment. At the South, on the other hand, the possession of the ballot before the civil war distinguished the poor white from the black slave, and to hold public office was a highly valued mark of distinction among whites. Hence the southern whites are convinced that possession of the ballot and eligibility to public office, however humble, tend toward social equality between two races which ought not to be mixed, while nothing in the long experience of freedom among the northern whites has ever suggested to them that there is any connection between social intercourse and political equality. The southern white sees a race danger in eating at the same table with the negro; he sees in being either the host or the guest of a negro an act of race infidelity. The northern white sees nothing of the kind. The race danger does not enter into his thoughts at all; he does not believe there is any such danger. To be the host or guest of a negro, a Mexican, or a Japanese would be for him simply a matter of present pleasure, convenience, or courtesy. It would never occur to him that such an act could possibly harm his own race. His pride of race does not permit him to entertain such an idea. This is a significant difference between northern whites and southern whites. Their sentiments on this subject are really unlike so unlike that they do not understand each other. Yet their fundamental belief that the two races ought to live socially apart is precisely the same. The southern sentiment on this subject ought to be provisionally respected as a social fact, although the northern white's race feeling seems to be really much more robust than that of the southern white's. The northerner's is simply impregnable, like the self-respect of a gentleman. If the southerner when in the North could conform to northern practice, and the northerner when in the South to southern practice, each without losing caste at home, an amiable modus vivendi would be secured.

Again, the northern whites and the southern do not entirely agree with regard to public education. Northern opinion is unanimous in favor of giving the whole southern population-white and black alike good opportunities for education in every grade, though in separate establishments. It seems to the northern whites that if the southern negroes are to constitute a separate community-separate, that is, with regard to church, school, and all social lifethat separate community will need not only industrious laborers and operatives,

active clerks, and good mechanics, but also teachers, preachers, lawyers, physicians, engineers, and indeed professional men of all sorts, and therefore that all grades of education should be made accessible to negro children and youth.

On this subject three different opinions may be discerned among southern whites. Some southern whites, educated and uneducated, think that any education is an injury to the negro race, and that the negro should continue to multiply in the Southern States with access only to the lowest forms of labor, for which they maintain, as Plato did, that no education is necessary. Another section of the southern whites holds that negro children should be educated, but only for manual occupations--that is, for farm work, household work, and work in the fundamental trades, such as the carpenter's, mason's, and blacksmith's. This section approves of manual training and trade schools, but takes no interest in the higher education of the negro. Still a third section of the southern whites recognizes the obvious fact that a separate negro community must be provided with negro professional men of good quality, else neither the physical nor the moral welfare of the negro population will be thoroughly provided for. At the North the higher education of the few young negroes who will reach that grade can be provided in the colleges and professional schools maintained for white youth and is successfully given at this moment to a few negro youth. In the Southern States the higher education must be given in separate institutions, if at all. The northern people hardly realize how heavy the educational burden on the Southern States really is, because at the North they are under no necessity of providing separate institutions of all gradès for negroes in addition to those provided for the whites. The pecuniary burden of this separate provision on the relatively poor Southern States is enormous; it is heavy in the elementary schools, but in the higher grades of education it is heavier still in proportion to the numbers to be educated. The provision of a higher education for negroes is the logical consequence of the proposition that the black and white races should both be kept pure; and, as I have said, this proposition is accepted both at the North and at the South. The alternative view, that the negro needs no education, or is harmed by it, or that the race should only be offered the lower grades of education, is thoroughly inconsistent with the proposition that the two races should be kept • unmixed. Democratic society can not possibly contemplate the permanent presence of millions of a race but recently delivered from slavery breeding fast and left in ignorance, or even without guidance and incentives to intellectual and spiritual life. Such a suggestion flies in the face of all democratic thought about public justice, liberty, and even safety.

The northern whites have precisely the same dread of an ignorant and corruptible suffrage that the southern whites feel, for they have suffered and are now suffering from it. Millions of immigrants, who have had no practice in civil or religious liberty, have invaded the North, and negro suffrage there has often proved not only unintelligent but mercenary. Their remedy, however, for an ignorant suffrage is to abolish ignorance by patient, generous work on the children. As an aid in this long campaign they value an educational qualification for the suffrage. Moreover, the northern people are having at home abundant illustration of the way crimes increase when portions of the population have emancipated themselves from accustomed restraints, but have not yet been provided with any new effective restraints either from within or from without. In this respect they are prepared to sympathize warmly with their southern brethren, whose situation is even more difficult than their own. Both parts of the country are feeling acutely the same need-the need of a stronger arm for the law, of a permanent, large, pervasive police force, organized in military fashion and provided with all the best means for instantaneous com

munication between stations. The presence of a competent public force would tend to prevent those sudden gregarious panics which cause lawless barbarities.

In respect to the value of that peculiar form of education which Hampton Institute has so admirably illustrated-education through manual training and labor at trades and crafts-there is a striking agreement between northern and southern opinion. One of the most remarkable changes in public education in the northern States during the past fifteen years has been the rapid introduction of just these features into urban school systems.

The northern whites are beginning to sympathize strongly with their southern brethren in respect to the peculiar burden which the action of the national Government in liberating the negroes has imposed on them. They see that the educational problem at the South is much more difficult than it is at the North and calls for much greater public expenditure. They also perceive that the Southern States are less able than the Northern States to endure public expenditure for education.

In spite of their ingrained preference for local control of education, and for local government in general-a preference which has preserved far too long ward government for schools and cities and district government in country towns-they are beginning to feel that the peculiar burden upon the Southern States, caused by the separation between the black and the white races in the institutions of education, should be borne in part by the National Government. They would like to see devised constitutional means of bringing exceptional aid from the National Treasury to the former slave States which have this exceptional burden to bear. They would like to see the negro schools of the South kept eight months of the year instead of four-at the expense of the nation. They would like to see separate colleges for agriculture and the mechanic arts provided throughout the South by the National Government. They would like to see the southern universities enabled to maintain separate professional schools for colored men. They would like to see a way found for the National Government to spend as much money on solving the southern negro problem as it has been spending for six years past on the Philippine problem. In short, they would like to see the National Government recognize its responsibility for many of the physical and moral difficulties which beset civilization in the Southern States and come to the aid of all the civilizing forces in those States They know that efficient help could only be given through existing local agencies; and the only help they would wish the Governmtnt to give is help to meet the peculiar burdens those agencies now have to bear because of the expedient social separation between the two races which are to occupy together the fair southern country. It was in the supreme interest of the whole nation that the Southern States were impoverished forty years ago by a four years' blockade and the destruction of their whole industrial system. It is fair that the nation should help to rebuild southern prosperity in the very best way, namely, through education.

Finally, let us all remember that the task of making competent free men out of slaves is not the work of a day or a decade, but of many generations. How many Anglo-Saxon generations have gone to dust on the long road from serfdom to freedom! It is a task to be worked at by each successive generation with the eager energy of men who know that for them the night cometh in which no man can work, but with a patience like that of God, who lives and rules forever.

Mr. CARNEGIE. We all know what a man the founder of Hampton was, General Armstrong, who was not only great, inspired in himself, but who inspired all who became intimately associated with him; among these his able, untiring

colleague and now his worthy successor. Let me present to you Doctor Frissell, principal of Hampton.

ADDRESS OF DOCTOR FRISSELL.

General Armstrong used to say that life would not be worth living if there were no negro and Indian problems. Those of us who have to do with these races believe that it is well for our great country that it has to think of something else than tariff laws and the gaining of wealth. My friends, this is a tremendous problem. The southern people, white and black, are the burden bearers of this country. In the South is the great mass of ignorance. There, too, is the greatest poverty. The struggle that the South has had to make to support itself is tremendous. Then there is the fact that in that section two races of different color are living together, often suspicious of one another, in constant dread of one another. Certainly the race problem of our country does not lack in interest or importance. If we present the bright side to you, it does not indicate that we do not know that there is a dark side, or that we do not appreciate the • gravity of the situation. The great problem before us is this: How are men differing in wealth, station, race, to learn to live together so as to be mutually helpful? How may the rich and poor, the employer and the employee, the white man and the black man, learn to serve instead of hating and hindering one another?

When my distinguished predecessor at Hampton went to the Virginia peninsula immediately after the war, he went as an agent of the Freedmen's Bureau to administer the affairs of the whites and the blacks. He was sent to help them to live together in freedom as they had formerly lived together in slavery. He approached his task with sincere sympathy and with faith in both races. He did not believe, as some of us at the North did, that we were to help the blacks to punish the southern whites for their wickedness. He had been an officer in the Union Army and had come in battle to have a profound regard for the heroism of the southern white man. He had been a colonel of colored troops, and had come to understand the capacity and bravery of the colored man under proper leadership. He had been brought up in the Sandwich Islands, where he had helped his father, as superintendent of public education, to work out the problem of how different races could live and work together. He had come to believe that two peoples, in order to live together successfully, must be mutually serviceable. Training for useful service, then, became the thought of his life and of the great school which he started at Hampton. Many were inclined to doubt whether the black man could be made to serve except by force. General Armstrong had a firm belief that he could learn to serve by love.

An old negro preacher once prayed this prayer: "Lord, make the unfit fit and the fitter more fitting." This was the thought of the Hampton school—to make the unfit fit for the life just ahead of them. How could they best be fitted to serve themselves, their people, and their white neighbors? I should be glad to speak to you briefly of Hampton's methods and results. Down at the foundation of Hampton Institute lies the idea of labor. All education there has for its object the fitting of the student for work. The school is a large industrial village, with its workshops, its farms, its laboratories, and its schoolrooms, where the young are taught how to live and labor. The charge that is brought against the black race more often than any other is that they are unreliable, that they do not take responsibility well. The Indian is universally accused of being lazy. It is of the first necessity, then, to teach negro and Indian boys and girls to do some work, to do it regularly, and to do it intelligently. This work, whether in the shop, in the kitchen, or on the farm, is made the central point of the school's endeavor. The academic work becomes subsidiary. Our

students must learn, as Mr. Washington has put it, " to do common things in an uncommon way." As soon as they enter Hampton, therefore, they take up some definite duty, and their studies center in that. A large number of girls, when they first come to Hampton, go into the laundry. We consider this one of the most important educational departments of the Hampton school. The work of washing and mending clothes has been lifted out of stupid drudgery into a valuable educational process. The laundry work not only enables the girls to gain regular habits of labor, to earn their board and clothing while they are in school, and to be able to make an honest living wherever they go, but it is also distinctly educational. The work is so arranged that they pass from one problem to another as they would in the schoolroom. In the evening, after their work is done, they go to the laboratory and try experiments in making bluing and soap. They learn what makes water hard and how they can make it softer. With the help of the microscope they study woolen cloth under the action of hot and cold water, and learn how to wash it properly and the reasons for certain methods. They learn how cloth is made and are taught how to weave it. Then, when they go into their English class, they write and read about what they have seen and have done with their own hands. Their arithmetic, too, has to do with soap and bluing and gallons of water and pieces of clothing. This method of correlation applies also to our other industries. We are just putting up a new kitchen, and that will be a much more important classroom than any in our academic hall. When the spring days come the school garden will be filled with negro and Indian girls, each planting or cultivating her own plot of ground. Other girls will be found carrying on the dairy work, and still others caring for the chickens. Every boy and girl at Hampton is given some practical knowledge of agriculture. Every girl must be able before she graduates to make a dress for herself and to cook a good meal. Every boy must be able to work in wood and iron. In addition they receive a thorough knowledge of the rudiments of an English education, and a careful training in morals and manners. Perhaps more important than anything else is the spirit of kindness toward others that the Hampton student gains. "Cantankerousness is worse than heterodoxy," wrote General Armstrong. Neither students nor teachers are allowed to remain long unless they can work with others. Hate, racial or individual, is excluded. Now, this kind of training produces three things. First, it develops character. The struggle toward self-support, the regular hours of labor combined with study, the military drill, and the religious instruction unite to make strong characters of these men and women. In the second place, this training produces economic independence. No graduate of Hampton becomes a drag on the community to which he goes. With his knowledge of agriculture and the trades he becomes a self-respecting and useful citizen. He is not only able to sustain himself, but also to help others to self-support. Sixty-five per cent of those who have learned trades at Hampton are practicing or teaching them. Eighty-seven per cent of the school's living graduates are known to be profitably employed. Many are leaders in business enterprises; 35 per cent are farmers, tradesmen, or part-time farmers, and a very large number are teachers of industries. We have now in almost every State of the South industrial schools carried on by graduates of Hampton. At the head of Tuskegee is Mr. Washington, Hampton's most distinguished graduate. His brother, Mr. J. II. Washington, superintendent of his industries; Mr. Logan, his treasurer; his disciplinarian, his head farmer, and a large company of other Hampton men and women have aided in building up this remarkable institution. In the third place, the Hampton training has produced young men and women of reasonable intelligence. While the great mass of our returned students have gone into the country districts, the leading colored city public schools in the State of Virginia are