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A Letter to a Member of Parliament, wherein the Power of the British Legiflature, and the Cafe of the Colonifts, are briefly and impartially confidered. (Entire, price 15.)

Dear Sir,

THE

HE behaviour of the North American Colonists upon the fubject of the ftamp duty, ftill continues to be the general topick of political difcuffion; many people concurring with them in their ideas of the oppreffion, and the wifer many (in my opinion) infitting with the mother country on it's right of prefcribing fuch laws, and raising fuch fupplies amongst them, as the exigence of our own, or their, internal fituation may fuggeft. For my part, I really think the matter in difpute to be of much greater confequence to this country, than many, whom I have converted with, affect to confider it: A few regiments, fay they, well appointed and properly distributed amongit them, will foon bring them to a juft fenfe of their duty, and the ftamp act be as familiar there, as the land tax is here: but I take it to be a matter of more ferious attention, and to be reconciled by a much nicer conduct, than any of thofe tumultuous affemblies and murmurings which the Cyder act has occafioned in many counties, may require: perhaps, at the fame time, I may not be very much mistaken in my conjecture that this little fpecimen of difobedience to legiflative authority at home, may have encouraged our brethren to an imitation of the fame lawlefs and undutiful Carriage abroad: I will not, however, at prefent, labour the comparison which would prove the above affertion, as it would lead me into the argument of a subject which ought only to be revolved in a man's most fecret thoughts, or agitated in his majesty's mott fecret councils; for I think that this question, "Whether an impatience of parliamentary authority by the inhabitants of this island, or a "general revolting and difobedience to it by our Colonifts, be of the moft dangerous tendency;" would, if critically confidered furnith our enemies with too circumftantial a knowledge of our domeltic and most interesting derange

ments.

I have read all the remonftrances and

refolutions of the feveral Colonies, with the letters that have appeared in fopport of, and alfo moft of thofe publications that The weakness and impropriety of this have been defigned as answers to them :—

tax fecm now to be confeffed on all hands, but the legality or illegality of the meafure, neither clearly afferted by the one, nor irrefragably refuted by the other; You therefore, my dear fir, flatter me too much, in defiring my thoughts in a matter that would do credit to the most able pens of government; but to fhew my readiness in complying with your request, and at the fame time my defire of information, and to have my own doubts in this bu finefs cleared up, I fhall proceed to lay before you my fentiments, fuch as they are, with refpect to the jurifdiction of the parliament of Great Britain over the Colonies.

In this question I conceive, that neither the policy or object of an act of parliament, are to be confidered as the means for determining the legality of the duty it enjoins, or the tax it impofes: I could with, therefore, to have had all fuch confiderations thrown out of the question, and that thofe, who have severally attempted legally to arraign and juftify this proceeding of the late miniftry, had stuck clofely and honeftly to this point; "Whe. "ther the parliament of Great Britain

hath, or hath not, an inherent right of "including in one general act, (let the

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purport of that act be what it will) All

his majefty's fubjects, as well thofe in"habiting the most diftant dominions of "this realm, as thofe refiding in it, and

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more immediately the objects of it's "tatutes in general:" Every man in the leaft converfant in the nature of our conftitution will, I believe, readily admit and subscribe to this fupreme and difcretionary right; a right which never hath or can be impeached, but when it is unconftitutionally exerted, and tends manifeftly to the fubversion and annihilation of our liberties, as established upon principles of natural juftice and fociety. I would yet inform thefe ufurpers, thefe afpirers to a co-jurisdiction with that body which is able, at any time, to crush their exitence, as a public, that the statutes of Great Britain may, by fpecial words, bind even the people of Ireland to an obedience of them; notwithstanding as to its private internal policy, it is a diftin&t king

dom

A Letter to a Member of Parliament.

up into laws but at the difcretion of the king and his council.

25

dom of itself, and hath parliaments of its enflaving, whereas thofe of his royal preown; whofe regulations and ordinances, deceflors (introduced among ft them by the however, like thofe of the Colonies, grow fame authority) have never been confidered as attempts upon the rights and pri vileges of thefe free born Englishmen, but It is of the nature and effence of all have received that uniform, unquestioned human governments, that a fupreme and obedience due to them, and been attended abfolute jurifdiction fhould be lodged fome with all thofe public benefits, which the where: In fome countries, a defpotic and paternal affection of the British parliament hereditary power is vefted in the perfon of meant, indifcriminately, to diffufe to all one man; in others, it is delegated to a his majefty's fubjects. particular rank; and in others again, to an inferior elective number of men; but tunes are wantonly fported with by an But here, fay the gentlemen, our forthe weighing the genuine merits and demerits and confequently, by the conftitution of of monarchical, aristocratical, and demo- which we are members, ought not to be cratical fyftems, and gleaning from each bound by its decrees.-From this may be it's falubrious, and rejecting it's noxious difcerned the principles upon which this qualities, hath, from this variegated fam- treasonable oppofition to government is ple, modelled us into the most admirable now juftified by the Colonifts, as a patriomixture of them all, and intrufted the tic jealoufy and refentment of a fub whole national power and authority with a jugation to foreign and ufurped power, and parliament: To this moft puiffant court a laudable assertion of the rights and priappertain the privilege and office of pro- vileges of Englishmen: That is, fo long viding for the public weal, by abrogating as the parliament of Great Britain will fuch old laws or cuftoms, or creating and ftudy and frame acts for the emolument of enforcing fuch new ones, as the mutabi- their particular provinces, they will never lity of all fublunary affairs may render ex- complain of their charters being attacked, pedient; and it is to the fpirited and moft or the privileges of their affemblies invadmeritorious exercife of this plenitude of ed; but the moment it fends amongst them power, (in electing and fecuring to the a law calculated for the benefit and infucceffion of this crown, the family of demnification of the mother-country, they the most amiable fovereign who now fways inftantly take the alarm, feel for their li it's fceptre) that we are indebted for the berties, and join in one common act of reenjoyment of the invaluable comforts and bellion against the jurisdiction acquiefced bleffings of civil and religious freedom. under by them in the first instance, but It is to be obferved, not without fur- which they arrogate to themselves a right prife, that the Colonists have never before of difputing and difallowing in the fe abfolutely entered their proteft against this cond. jurifdiction exercifed over them by the parAccording to my notions of the English liament of Great Britain; inafmuch as conftitution in particular, and indeed of all numberless acts of parliament, enacted for human governments in general, there can very purpose, have carried with them a be no qualified partial allegiance or obeterling authority into the plantations, as dience to the laws; they exact from all often as the wisdom of the legislature an implicit fubmiffion in toto, and with a hath judged fo remote an exertion of its fovereign fuperintendency watch over the power effential to the public intereft :— actions of every individual: To say then But it feems the time is now come, where- that the Colonifts have a right of judging in parents, in diminution of thofe rights for themselves what laws they fhall obey, naturally vefted in them, are no longer al- and which they may protest against, is, in lowed to affume the government of, and effect, to invelt them with a right incom project schemes of happiness for, their patible with the offices of subjects, and utchildren; but are to give in to all their litterly fubverfive of the end of all human the appetites and defires, at the rifque of inftitutions. And yet, extraordinary as it their mutual welfare and profperity: We may appear, their conduct in the bufinefs have feen the act of the 5th of George in queftion, fo far as it maintains the illethe Ild. rebelled against as tyrannical and gality of the late aft, doth most certainly January, 1766,

the

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befpeak

befpeak them poffeffed of the two heterogeneous functions of lawgiver and sub ject, and is to be accounted for in no other

manner.

From the general principles of govern ment, as well as from a long practice and uninterrupted courfe of proceedings amongst ourselves, may this jurifdiction of the parliament be clearly afcertained; the conftant immemorial ufage of all nations fanctifies and approves it's title to it; and if the Colonists ever really thought themfelves independent of this great council of the nation, how comes it that they have fo long fubmitted to the prefcription of thofe many acts of parliament, whofe influence hath, for fuch a length of time, been extended over them? And yet the foundation of their plea of non-fubmiffion to the late act, would have obtained and been just as good an one, for the fame reasons, against all thofe former ones. It is to the highest degree, therefore, abfurd to confider this question in the light they have put it; it being to be determined, in my humble opinion, upon a confideration of the relation between the British parliament and the Colonifts, as between it and the fubjects of Great Britain at large, as I cannot find by what law they have been emancipated from this state of fubordination, in common with the reft of their fellow-fubjects.

The liberties of the Colonists, I apprehend, can receive no diminution from being thus held in the fame point of view and degree of eftimation, with thofe of the mother-country: on the contrary, I don't know but I may be told I have been too liberal in the conceffion, which I have thus made them; and indeed, strictly fpeaking, it may perhaps upon enquiry appear unwarrantable; for, was it within the compafs of my prefent defign to enter into a progreffive recapitulation of the different modes, by which the feveral Colonies have become parcel of, and annexed to the dominions of this crown, whether by discovery, conqueft or treaties; I fear the law of nations would point fo ftrongly to the prevailing diftinction, between the nature of municipal laws, and thofe of a newly acquired appendage to any empire, as muft exclude them from the advantageous and honourable fellowship I have af figned them: I chufe, however, for the purpose of coming more speedily and di

ly to the point in iflue, to wave this

piece of history, and that their own arguments may be received in the fullest scope and latitude they can poffibly bear, am willing to admit their pretenfions to be coequal with thofe of the people of England in general.

It is one of the fundamental maxims ' of our conftitution, and that of every civilized ftate, that "Nemo Patriam exwere poteft;" by which I would not be thought to understand a personal emigration or withdrawing from the country; but that no fubject can ever shake off or releafe himself from that indiffoluble bond of relation and natural allegiance he bears to the laws of his country, let him be at ever fo great distance from its feat of government; fo far from it, his country hath a right to expect that he always entertains thofe fentiments of attachment and duty as a subject, which she, as his natural fovereign, hath an unquestionable right to call forth into action in any fhape, and whenever the necefiities of her fituation may demand it; and which he cannot refufe, without expofing himself to the higheft cenfures, and a forfeiture of that protection under her government which is the return for fidelity and obedience to it.

The Colonifts, by their actions, feem to be impressed with no such ideas at the bottom, notwithstanding their confident appeals to the English conftitution; which rather feem fo many infults upon, than modeft well-founded references to its principles, for the rectitude or illegality of their proceedings: It will ever cherish and redrefs them as members of it, while they conduct themselves as fuch, but it will be too tenacious of its own authority and the refpect due to it, not to diftinguish betwixt an arrogant competition for power and independency, and a fpecious fuggeftion of grievances and oppreffion.

The fubjects of Great Britain refiding in our Colonies, are not content with the fruition, as individuals, of every immunity and privilege of native Englishmen, but they would attempt to prove themfelves entitled to more: As a body, or aggregate community of people, they certainly are poffeffed of none, that can retrench or check the powers and pre-eminence of the parliament: They derive and enjoy the bleffings of the former, in common with us all, from the English conftitution founded upon principles of common law and natural justice; but they

owe

owe their origin and existence in the lat- It therefore, as it occurs to me, is imter capacity, not to any inherent native poffible to put any other construction upprivilege as Englishmen, but to the fpon- on the charters of the Colonies, without laneous royal indulgence of the Crown; doing the greatest violence to common a power, which can never confer on others fenfe and preverting the found policy of that which it hath not in itfelf-viz. a their original inftitution: it would likeSeparate jurifdiction from, and indepen- wife be working fuch a change in all the dence of, the three eftates of this king- corporations of England, as mult of condon.-Confidering them in their public fequence tend to a total annihilation of corporate capacities, the feveral Colonies have no legal and provinces upon the continent, can or conftitutional existence which may entitle them to greater privileges than all the corporations in this kingdom enjoy by their respective charters of incorporation: A licence and authority, flowing from the royal prerogative of the crown, to frarne fuch laws and regula tions, for the management of their own domeftic concerns, as may belt anfwer the ends of their inftitution, can never work fo as to erect them into that state of independency as will justify them placing their indulgencies in competition with privileges, or, in other words, fetting up their bye-laws in oppofition to acts of parkament: For, without doubt, the acts of affembly in all our Colonies, operate only with the influence of, and are ftamped (I hope they will pardon the phrafe) with no greater dignity than the mere regulations of fo many inferior licenced corporations.

government; it would in effect be introducing amongst us that " divifum imperium," the fetting up fo many petty republics in the heart of this kingdom, as muft inevitably bring on the deftruction of the imperial fovereignty of our conftitution and it's laws.

The high court of parliament all Englifhmen are taught to look up to, with that implicit acknowledgment and veneration of it's omnipotence and juftice, inculcated by the principles of the revolution;

that glorious period and criterion of hu man liberty! To this great affembly do all inferior, ministerial jurifdictions bow down; by it they may be annulled, qualified or comptrolled; and under it's fanction and from it's concurrence alone, are they permitted to have any existence at all: from this point of our conftitution, doth the parliament derive that most uncontrovertible right of comprehending in it's ftatutes, all orders and fubordinate focieties of men, without any neceffity of previoufly refcinding or repealing their charters of affociation it is poffeffed of the. power of doing either, and the non-ufe of the one, can never invalidate the exercife of the other.

:

Upon this comparative view of the corporate character of the Colonies, with that of the feveral corporations in this kingdom, it is manifeft they were originally conftructed by the fame architect, upon fimilar foundations, and are all equally circumfcribed in their powers. Who then can, with the leaft degree of propriety, compliment them with an independence of the parliament of Great Britain, when the whole frame of their body politic may be brought to a diffolution, not only by that auguft affembly, whenever it all judge proper, but at any time be deprived of their boafted privileges and immunities, by the ordinary and inferior opperations of a feire facias, or a quo warranto: Whether, as a public, they have not lately rendered themselves justly" &c. nifi per Judicium parium vel per obnoxious to this laft method of proceeding against them, or in their private individual capacities, to a much more fevere one, I will at prefent, in compaffion, forbear to demonftrate.

But, fay the Colonists, "that not being reprefented in the British parliament that affembly hath no power to tax us, and for this we rely upon magna Charta."

As the authority of the British parlia ment is now, for the first time, called in question, because it hath prefumed to create a tax amongst them, the article of Magna Charta, which is to bear them out in their appeal to it, I take for granted must be that which provides, "that no "man fhall be diffeiffed of his freehold,

Legem Terra:" I thall be glad to be informed whether, if the Law of parliament be confidered and allowed as Lex Terræ, (as it most certainly is) an act of parliament be not at leaft of equal figni D 2

fication

fication and authority? I can find nothing in Magna Charta that will bear a contrary interpretation to this inference. That great charter, or rather peremptory affertion and conformation of the primitive natural rights and liberties of the people of England, was introductory of no new laws, but in oppofition to the then dangerous and increasing advances of the prerogative and kingly power, only declaratory of the ancient pure and peerlefs authority of the common law ;- -the parent and guarantee of all ftatute-law -But with fuch blindness of enthusiasm do the Colonists worship their feeble charters, thefe divinities of their own forming, that by them they not only look upon themselves fecured in the common rights of the mother-country, but promoted to fuch tranfcendantly fuperior ones, as will eclipfe and difparage their luftre and excellence; in fact, that because they have been induced, for their own perfonal emolument, voluntarily to tranfport and affociate themselves under the king's letters patent, they not only have carried with them all the rights and immunities of their native country, but are become releafed from the common obligation of obedience to the laws: fuch, however, is the peculiarly happy nature of the English conftitution, that as the king by no act of his, can abridge his fubjects of any of it's benefits, fo cannot he ever elevate them into a condition to difpenfe with, or mutilate the authority of it's fupremacy.

The wisdom of that reign fo confpicuous in the annals of our history for, and the bafis of whofe renown was founded upon it's accurate knowledge and prefervation of the rights of humam liberty, feems prophetically to have anticipated the neceffity of recognizing the power now difputed by the North Americans: It was with a view to refcue the British legiflature from all objection to it's jurifdiction, and to repress a frowardness which hath fince broke out almoft into actual rebellion, that the act of the 7 and 8 W. 3 C. 22. hath fo exprefly declared and referved the power of the parliament over all the Colonies; for by that ftatute, it is enacted, "That all laws, bye-laws, ufages and "customs which fhall be in practice in

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any of the plantations repugnant to "any law made or to be made in this "kingdom relative to the faid plantations, fhall be void and of none effect:

This clause alone, abstracted from all other confiderations, ought furely to be a fufficient refutation of the very fingular claim of the Colonifts :-But to follow them in their own reasonings.

The exemption from obedience to the British parliament infifted on by the Colonifts, refts (if I understand them) upon this fingle Reafon," that they are not reprefented in it;" as I have faid before, I wonder that this plea hath fo long lain dormant amongst them, as it might have been urged, with as much propriety, against all thofe acts of parliament which have been fo long in force in the Colonies. But it really is of fo noval a caft, that I am at a lofs to guefs from what practical principles or fyftem of government they have borrowed it; fure I am tho' that the English constitution could never have fuggefted it to them. It must be confeffed that acts of parliament are binding and conclufive upon the fubjects of this ifland, because, by the prefumption of law, they are all fuppofed by their reprefentatives, to have had a fhare in the framing of them; but this is only one of thofe fictions, thofe nicer principia of the laws of fociety, which it is utterly impracticable to fee literally and minutely adher'd to in the mechanifm and adminiftration of great and populous governments; so far as they are capable of being carried into execution, thofe fyftems will fooneft be adopted, and bid faireft for duration, that are established upon the most equitable arrangements of the common rights and relations of mankind: upon the wildom and equity of this maxim is the foundation of our conftitution laid, and it was to obviate and affift the above hypothefis of law, that the legislature hath fo perfpicuously prefcribed the only feasible means of attending to it, by regulating the rights of reprefenting, and being reprefented, in this great council of the nation: and yet ideal and theoretical as this particular poftulatum (if I may call it one) certainly is in itself, fuch is it's recommendation, that the only poffible method of reducing it into practice, depends entirely upon the honeft emulation and industry of the people; and confequently, that as the attainment of thofe qualifications which are to beget in them a right of admission into this hare of the legiflature must be the fruit of their own endeavours, fo is the fubject hereby rationally foreclofed of all

objection

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