WHAT then can be expected, fhould Britain deviate from the laws, which nature has fet her, for her defence and happiness? fhould Britain ever prefer a martial, to her naval, power, her trade and navigation would alfo dwindle away: and with her trade must fall her riches, and with her riches there must be a decay of her ftrength. What must be the effect, when a rich trading inland undertakes the defence of foreign dominions, in fuch a manner as to cramp her trade, opprefs her people with taxes, and to neglect the natural means of protecting her commerce and territories?

WERE it neceffary to illuftrate the premifes by an inquiry into the merits of those wars, in which Britain has fo lavishly spent her blood and money; it would be found, that neither the ballance of power, the liberties of Europe, nor the fecurity of the Proteftant religion, were fufficient arguments for her to venture her own welfare in their fupport. No mere man was ever known to lay down his own life for his friend neither is it to be expected that one nation fhall facrifice its existence for the prefervation of its ally.

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BEHOLD! what is become of the ballance of power, for which, the people were made to believe they were fighting, during the reigns of King William and Queen Anne? we undertook to maintain the liberties of the Dutch, and of the house of Austria against the French. But Auftria is an ally to France, and the Dutch

afe

are intirely under the influence of the French cabinet. Where then shall we look for the advantages propofed by that chargeable contihental war on the part of Great Britain? a fufficient caution for this nation not to be drawn into continental measures on the like weak pretences.

Is those powers had no other motives to quarrel with France, than their fear of her king's afpiring to univerfal monarchy, they could never have acted in conjunction, or by connivance, with him against their neighbouring ftates. And their conduct shews that our measures, in their favour, were hurtful to Britain, and of no help towards fupporting the liberties of Europe.

THE pretence of maintaining the ballance · of power was no other than a political deception, (it may be, devifed by the cabinet at Versailles) to draw off, from its natural strength and maritime operations against France, by a continental war. This, I am confident may come within the verge of every capacity; when the French ever get us thoroughly engaged with them on the continent, they try all their art to draw us further into a measure, which, they know, muft in the end be ruinous to a nation in our fituation; as fuch a war can not be carried on, any where, at the fame charge, or with the fame advantage, as by a power on the continent.

THE prefent cry in favour of continental measures calls upon Britain to arm in defence

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of the liberties of the Germannic body; the Proteftant religion, and of his Majesty's electoral dominions.

As to the Germannic liberties; it will be difficult to interfere, even if Britain had a right fo to do, and it could be made appear thit they were connected with our own. The head of the empire, and the imperial diet accufe our allies of difturbing the peace of their fovereignty, and of endeavouring to overthrow the liberties of the Germannic body. Would not, therefore, any measures taken by Britain to wreft the power out of their hands, be conftrued an infringement of those liberties, which are committed to the guardianship of the princes, &c. affembled in the imperial diet it is evident that the majority of thefe princes are in no fear about their liberties from the houfe of Auftria. What then can induce us to undertake a war under the name of their defence?

But, the reformed religion is in danger; therefore the defender of the Faith ought to arm in its defence. How are we to come at the certainty of this affertion. That Auftria, Bourbon, and the king of Poland are Papifts, moft certain but it can never be conceived that the Proteftant princes of the empire, the Swedes and the Ruffians, whofe diflike to the Popish creed is as great as ally we can fhew, would ever fecond the operations of a Popish religious war against their reformed brethren. There is no doubt but that they would

even unite against Auftria and France, fhould there appear the leaft intention in the league, to make Popery the established religion throughout Germany and till they take the alarm, there can be no call for our affiftance.

THE most urgent reason, therefore, is the diftreffed condition of his majefty's electoral dominions. In this cafe his majefty deferves any thing he can demand from a rich, powerful and maritime kingdom. But, as every tree is known by its own fruit; fo that figs cannot be gathered from thorns, nor grapes from the bramble-bush: his Majefty cannot demand an aid from Britain, which is greater than her finances can maintain; and inconfiftent with her fituation and conftitution. A demand of that fort might be a means to alienate the affections of his British fubjects from a family, that defired fo unreasonable and impracticable a fupport; or, at least, it would fo weaken the power of his crown by the impoverishment of his fubjects, that both his regal and electoral dominions would, in the end, fall a prey to the powers on the continent.

BUT, fuppofe, Hanover could be preferved; by the last penny and the last drop of blood, to be squeezed out of the purfes and veins of Britons; it would be an unwarrantable reflection to say, that his majefty might be willing to give up Great Britain for Hanover. It is much less credible to imagine that the happihefs of his regal, is to be facrificed, without a Ez

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[profpect of fecuring his electoral dominions which can never be expected by the means of a continental war. And if this be the cafe with Hanover, what other power on the continent can expect more from our maritime ftate, than a powerful diverfion in his favour by fea?

YET fuch is the misfortune; that a long feries of continental meafures, and the neglect of those, which, with much lefs burthen and more glory, were executed by a due exertion of the natural ftrength of our navy, makes our cafe almost desperate. The establishment of an army has fuch a connection with the officers in the ftate, and with the reprefentatives of the people, that thofe councils, which bid fairest for continental measures, feldom fail of approbation: and thefe, coinciding with the affections of the fovereign for his German patrimony, have entailed upon us fuch a propenfity for feeking trophies upon e continent, that every quarrel in Germany difturbs the tranquility of Britain, and diverts her from the neceflary measures required for her own welfare.

HOWEVER, it is the hearty wish of a true Briton, that neither flattery nor faction, neither party nor mistaken principles of politics may fo blind the rulers, nor mifguide the people, as to deprive them of difcerning thefe glaring truths; that Britain is not in a capacity to affift any ally effectually by a German war: that her power is entirely maritime: that her taxes and debts cannot be increafed much higher: and that if either

her