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*threatened, or invaded by a foe; now every feeling which prompted us at any of those periods, unites in calling upon us "for speedy and effectual succour. By what we have already done "for Portugal, by our counsels and our arms, we have made her "the fastest friend whom we possess; we have demonstrated and displayed, not only to her, but to every people of Europe the "value of our friendship, the steadiness and fidelity with which "we can maintain an expensive and hazardous alliance. Were we “to rest here, it may be hoped and belived, that the magnanimity "of our policy towards Portugal, and our warlike exertions, would "be acknowledged with gratitude, and its substantial wisdom “proved by the effect upon other nations; but to the rulers of "the state, to our generals and soldiers these praises belong ;" Now, mark reader, the grand inference.-" Let every individual “ make himself a party to this policy, by answering the call of "the distressed inhabitants of Portugal! and every man may thus "make himself worthy of the thanks, which Portugal," (that is the Regency of Portugal)" has lavished upon Great Britain. Every mite contributed in this greut and good cause will add « to our security, which we derive from the rising character of " our national policy, from the new success of our warlike efforts, "and from the diminished strength and confidence of our enemy. "There is we know public spirit and good sense enough in the "country to make these motives sufficient for the patriot; but it

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rarely happens that they are so closely and palpably united, as they now are with every duty of the christian, and every feeling "of the man. Every individual in this favoured island who has a single shilling at his disposal," (we may just observe by the by, there are not many individuals, who have shillings, or any species of silver or gold at his disposal) " may at once bestow it in a mode "consistent with the warmest sentiments of his heart, and the “purest doctrines of his religion; while he is contributing, in a manner as certain as it is simple, to the highest political interests "of his country, her security, and her honour."

On reading such compositions of hypocrisy and delusion united, in which common sense, reason and religion are equally outraged, from men who with their relatives are fattening on the spoils of an insulted, injured, and sinking nation, and from their birelings who are well known to write on opposite sides, in proportion to the wages paid for their prostituted serviceses--On reading from day to day such compositions, we are ready to exclaim with Dr. YOUNG"There's scarce a day but to the man of thought "Betrays some secret, that casts new reproach "On life, and makes him sick of seeing more!"

The subscription of individuals in favour of the Portuguese has something more of the appearance of benevolence than the prating professions of statesmen whose liberality chiefly consists in voting away the money of the people, which they are not very unwilling to do on any, or on all occasions; but we confess when we read the names of several of the committee-meu, and principal subscribers, we cannot give persons of such a complexion any great credit for disinterested benevolence? Disinterested benevolence from those who publicly set up the hellish war whoop when they received intelligence of one of the most unfortunate events, that could possibly take place for the welfare of the country, and the cause of humanity-the rupture of the negociation during the administration of Lord Grenville! These humane, benevolent patriots, were delighted at the prospect of continued and wide spreading war and desolation, as it promised them increasing gains in commerce, insurances, licences, &c. Disinterested benevolence from those who so long feasted themselves on the blood of the unhappy Africans, and who firmly grasped the infernal traffic till they were compelled by the legislature to let go their hold! No: men of these descriptions we firmly believe enter thoroughly into the views of ministers and their tools, and that their principal motive for subscribing on the present occasion is, that the war may be prolonged, and extended, and thereby their own selfish and nefarious views may be promoted, although at the unavoidable expence of calamities much more extensive than those intended to be alleviated.

Far be it from us to insinuate that these reflections apply to all the subscribers; the motives of many are doubtless good; but we cannot help expressing our concern that such men do not separate themselves from those of other descriptions; that they do not preface their subscriptions by a public declaration, that compassion for the unfortunate is their sole motive, and that they by no means consider their acts of benevolence as an expression of approbation of the principle or the conduct of the war. By such a declaration they would have prevented themselves from being mingled and confounded with the mass of the servile supporters of administration, and described by Mr. Perceval and the Editor of the Morning Post, as approving the whole principle and conduct of the war, and thereby, it is much to be feared, causing their good to be evil spoken of," and rendering it instrumental to the ruin of their country, and the destruction of the human race.

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So far indeed from having the most distant wish of circumscribing the exertions of benevolence, we earnestly wish them to be less partial, and more general, and disinterested. Why does not the present subscription include the Portuguese who suffered by

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the ravages of the British army in their retreat during the last campaign? What pleasure would it not have afforded us to have beheld subscriptions entered into for the wives and families of the massa→ cred citizens of Copenhagen, or for repairing the ruins occasioned by the conflagration of that city, and of similar ruins occasioned by the conflagration at Flushing, which, however, constituted the peculiar glory of that exhibition of benevolence, of our patriotie and christian statesmen-The Walcheren Expedition! Why are there so few of our public men of any party, or description, to be found assisting those persons suffering under vindictive ex officio informations,--some of whom it is to be feared, may prove martyrs to the cause,-not of falsehood but of TRUTH; and to that invaluable right of Britons-A FREE PRESS! But it is in vain to search for exertions of pure and patriotic benevolence amongst the lovers of war, and the supporters of that system which in its practice and consequences enfeebles and deadens the best feelings of the human heart.

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Inquiry respecting Informations Ex-Officio.-Lord Folkstone's important motion on this subject, although it related to one of the dearest rights of Britons, was treated with the same neglect in the Commons as it was in the Lords, not only by the ministerial members, but by the leaders of opposition it was rejected by a majority of 119 to 36. Neither Mr. Pou sonby, nor Mr. Tierney, thought it worth while to attend: and there being so few members present on the opposition side, proves that however punctual their attendance, and active their exertions on party questions, they are indifferent to those points the most interesting to the best friends of the constitution.-Lord Folkstone mentioned various instances, which he judged to be gross abuses of the power vested in the Attorney General; and of partiality in its exercise. He particularly instanced the scandalous libel on all the princes of the blood, lately inserted in the Courier, which indeed exceeds in atrocity every libel which has been punished during the present reign; but the paper was a ministerial one, and no notice was taken! The motion was by the Attorney General deemed superfluous, as he assured the house (although he did not deny that it was in his power to ruin any innocent man,) there is no danger to be apprehended of any abuse of power on his part, as no one could be more forbearing or lenient, in public prosecutions than himself!-Sir S. Romilly expressed his surprise, "that his learned friend, as the subject had been started, instead of eva"ding, did not court inquiry !"—On this subject our readers will find an excellent letter in our following pages.

The members of the House of Commons, will doubtless in their debates respecting the finances pay proper attention to the Report which has been published respecting the Austrian Finances. The Clergy may likewise take a hint from the Report respecting the fate which most assuredly awaits them in this country, should the present system continue much longer!

Harlow, April 27, 1811.

B. F.

THE

MONTHLY MISCELLANY:

FOR APRIL, 1811.

OF THE CONSTITUTION OF GREAT BRITAIN. BY LORD BOLINGBROKE. [2d. Ed. 1748.]

It is pleasant to observe a set of writers charging others with forming Republican schemes, when they themselves are the persons, who in effect, and by the necessary consequence of their way of reasoning, have been placing our excellent constitution in a most ridiculous and contemptible light. According to them, it is no better than a jumble of incompatible powers, which would separate and fall to pieces of themselves, unless restrained and upheld by such honourable methods as those of bribery and corruption; for how Is it possible for any man, under any other notion, to plead for the necessity, or for the fitness of places and pensions, or any pecuniary influence among the members of the house of Commons? If any dependance or bias created by such motives, were really necessary, it would prove that the form of our government itself was defective to a degree of ridiculousness; that it was a constitution, having a representative of the people, which must be engaged not to represent them; nor to vote and act, as they would vote and act, if uninfluenced by private interest, or corrupt motives. Now, if such an influence, or dependance, was universal and unlimited throughout the whole house, the monarchy would be absolute, and whenever this influence prevails in any degree, it tends to arbitrary power. For this reason the true friends of liberty must perpetually guard against such

VOL. IX.

influence; which is not setting up a new form of government, but pre serving the old.

Our constitution may, in some sense, be said to be a fleeting thing, which at different times hath differ ed from itself, as men differ from themselves in age and youth, or in sickness and health; but still it is the same, and it is our duty to pres serve it as far as we are able, in its full strength and vigour. I do not know a more useful turn of mind, and what will contribute more to this end, than that, which disposeth us to observe the several changes in our constitution; the causes, which have produced them; and the consequences attending them. I do not pretend, for my part, to enter far into this subject; but will only offer some few observations on what hath happened of that kind, during the reign of King William and Queen Anne, and I leave it to other pens to remark farther back, or to continue such remarks farther on.

At the time of the Revolution, our constitution received a considerable strength by that act, which is called the Declaration of Rights; by which, we hope, an end is put to the dangerous claims and practices of some former reigns; such as that of a power in the crown to dispense with the execution of the laws, as also that of keeping up a standing army in time of peace without consent of parliament; and some other parti, culars, which are gontained in that

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act. I do not reckon that we obtained any thing new by it; any thing that was not our just right before; nor does it provide such remedies for us, or such penalties for the of fenders against it, as might have been contrived; yet it is an advantage to have that expressly declared and acknowledged to be our right, which had once been brought, how unjustly soever, into dispute.

About five or six years after this, we obtained the Triennial act; which was an additional security to our liberties; for though it may seem, from the reason of things and an tient usage, that parliaments ought to have been either annual, or to continue no longer than till the par, ticular business, for which they were summoned, was finished, yet by the precedents made of the long continuance of the same parliament, in the reigns of Charles the first and second, it was become fit and requisite to enact, by an express law, that there should be a new one, at least, once in three years. It may, perhaps, be wondered that this was not taken care of in the Declaration of Rights; for though it is declared that parliaments ought to be held frequently (by which might not improperly be understood new parliaments) yet in a matter of such importance, one might have expected more clear and positive expressions. The only reason I can assign for this is, that that declaration was chiefly intended to assert and assure to us those rights, which had been invaded by King James.. Now, that of holding the same parliament for a long term was no part of the complaints against his government; since during his short reign he called but one parliament, and that he dissolv: ed abruptly at their second sessions. But I proceed to mention those other acts, which King William passed, for securing to us free par Tiaments, and consequently our con stitution and liberties. There was

one, to prevent double and false returns; another to prevent bribery; another to prohibit commissioners in the excise sitting in the house; and by a clause in an act of the 12th of his reign, which in the Act of Settlement, it was provided that after his decease, and the decease of the then Princess Anne, no person, who had any office or place of profit, under the King, or received any pension from the croun, should be capable of serving as a member of the house of Commons. The passing those laws was certainly giving strength and security to our liberties, in the most important and essential article; for the freedom and independency of this assembly is undeniably the support of them all, and upon which the fabric of our whole constitution depeds. The members of this house are the trustees and guardians of all we have, and of all our posterity.

I will add one instance more of the advantage, accruing to the cause of liberty, under the reign of that glorious deliverer of our country. What I mean is, his complying with the desire of his people and parlia ment, in reducing the number of the standing forces in England to about 7000 men. Thus we see that as, by the coming in of King William, our religion and liberties were preserved from the designs and projects then on, foot to destroy both; so, by his succeeding reign, he farther strengthened and secured them to us by good laws. I cannot help thinking, that whenever it shall be thought proper to set up an eque trian statue to the memory of that Prince, an inscription ought to be engraven on the pedestal in these, or such like words:-To the immortal Memory of King WILLIAM the Third, who by a hazardous and glorious enterprize preserved the British Nation from the imminent Danger of Popery and Slavery; and afterwards with more Glory, as securing us for the future is doing a far greater good

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