Gregory Turonensis, who did not write until the punishment of crucifixion had been abolished, originated the idea that there was a lower projection for the feet, that the feet were nailed to this "tabella suppedanea," and not to the tree or trunk of the cross, and thus the criminal, instead of having his knees bent, as without this foothold they must be, would stand no less erect and firm than if upon the ground. The Edinburgh Encyclopedists yield credence to Gregory. But Salmasius has shown, that this foot-tablet is mentioned by no writer who ever witnessed a crucifixion, that it is represented on no painting or medal of authority, and that in addition to the middle seat it was needless.*

On the top of the perpendicular beam, over the head of the malefactor, was usually placed a tablet containing the charges for which he was condemned. The tablet, according to Vossius, was covered with (cerusa) a kind of white paint on which letters were, not as some say, engraved, but written with ink or vitriol (atramentum). From the color of the tablet, it was sometimes called ɛxμα, and the inscription was called τίτλος. The inscription was sometimes in several different languages. That which Pilate wrote for Christ was in three; the Latin, as a tribute of respect to the empire, the Hebrew, that it might be understood by the inhabitants of Jerusalem, and the Greek, for the accommodation of the numerous Hellenists who had come up to the feast. The inscription over the door of the sanctuary, prohibiting the entrance of foreigners, was, for a similar reason, written in different tongues. It was not an invariable rule, however, to record the accusation of the sufferer on the tablet of the cross. Occasionally it was inscribed on a parchment covering his breast, see Adams Rom. Antiq. p. 230, often was proclaimed by a herald going before him to the cross; see Poole Syn. vol. iv. p. 675.

Not more than five or six words were usually inscribed on the title-board. "Parmularius has spoken impiously," is a superscription preserved in Suetonius; Eusebeius mentions another; "this is Attalus, a Christian." The words

*On the subject of the "sedilis excessus," as Tertullian calls it, and the "Tabella suppedanea," or foot-stand, see Justi Lipsi, V. C. Opera Omnia, tom. 3. pp. 1185-118; and also the dissertations of Bartholin, Nihusius, and Fontanus, connected with the Hypomnemata de cruce Christi, pp. 57156, 264-290.

For the motives which prompted to the notion of a foot-stand, see Paulus Com. ueber die ersten Evangel. Th. Drit. 759, 760.

placed over our Saviour, are supposed to have varied in the different languages, and thus the varied representations of them by the Evangelists may be, each, correct. Each contains a provoking laconic sarcasm upon the Jews, whom Pilate hated ungovernably. Here, on the slave's cross, is your King! Jesus, a man from contemptible, little Nazareth, and yet the King of all Jewry!

The height of the tree of the cross was ordinarily about ten feet. Of these, two, and sometimes three feet were sunk in the earth, so that the elevation of the criminal above the earth's surface was no more than from twelve to thirty-six inches. It was easy for the sufferer hanging on so low an instrument, to converse, as Christ did, with the by-standers, and easy for the by-standers, like them who gave Christ the impregnated "posca," to reach the head of the sufferer.*

According to Lipsius, the instrument was usually "made of oak, and was very durable," remaining sound in certain situations, two or three hundred years. No confidence is to be placed, however, in the pretended discovery of the Saviour's cross, by Helen, Constantine's mother, who bewildered the church with her authoritative phantasies on this theme. The far-famed and almost deified instrument, which she excavated from Calvary, was reported to be fifteen feet in height, and seven or eight in length; and now, says a quaint author, "if all the fragments of it, which are paraded for a holy show in Catholic convents, were collected together, the whole British navy could not export them at a voyage, and they would build a magnificent palace or cathedral for the Pope."

The instrument was erected for crucifixion at some conspicuous and frequented place. Quinctilian says, "as often as we crucify malefactors, we select the most celebrated roads, where the greatest possible number of witnesses can look on and be moved with fear." Polycrates selected for the scene the highest summit of the celebrated Mycale; Alexander, the most public place in his cities; the Mamertines resorted to the "Pompeian way," and in nearly all populous

* There were sometimes peculiar causes for constructing a cross of greater dimensions. Suetonius relates, that when a Roman citizen had been sentenced to the cross by Galba, and had presented his objections against the instrument, as inappropriate to a citizen, the governor ordered a very lofty cross to be erected for him, and whitened over, so as to distinguish him from those who were not citizens, "to give him some consolation, and alleviate his punishment by a mark of respect."

villages, some commanding site was consecrated to blood. The Jews, though required by Deut. xvii. 13, to inflict capital punishment so publicly that "all the people shall hear and fear," were yet forbidden by the spirit of Numb. xv. 35, and 1 Kings xxi. 13, to inflict it within the city, see Acts vii. 58, and the Romans also preferred to crucify their malefactors "without the gate." Accordingly Christ was led from the governor's palace, which was the celebrated fort of Antonia, and situated a few rods north of the temple, to Golgotha, "the skull,"-called the skull partly on account of its shape, partly because it was strowed with the bones of malefactors crucified upon it. Although without the city, as is evident from Heb. xiii. 12, it was not far without, as is evident from John xix. 20. Its distance from the fort of Antonia, or the governor's palace, where Christ stood trial, was in the shortest course about four hundred yards, and this may have been the distance which he walked to crucifixion, notwithstanding the current belief about the "via dolorosa." Being near the walls, and being, moreover, an eminence, the spot was very publicly exposed. It was easy, therefore, for the priests to gaze at the suspended Messiah without defiling themselves by ascending the hill, see Matt. xxvii. 41, Mark xv. 32; for the Galilean women likewise to behold him "afar off," see Matt. xxvii. 55, Mark xv. 40, Luke xxiii. 49; and for "many of the Jews," to read the title of his accusation, even while standing on the walls of the city. There were also two public roads, one from Bethlehem, and one from Joppa, which met by the side of the mountain in its immediate neighborhood, and so travellers from the west would necessarily "pass by," and might revile the executed sufferer; see Matt. xxvii. 39; Mark xv. 29. From this publicity and also from the barrenness of Golgotha, it was a very eligible spot for executions; yet, above all others, disgraceful. To be crucified there, was as repugnant to a prisoner's feelings, as in England to be hung at Tyburn. But Christ "sought disgrace."

Having now attended to the construction of the cross, we

* The traditions in Palestine with regard to minute particulars of sacred scenes, such as the cavity for the cross-tree, the stone of unction, &c. are well understood to be fabulous: but the general belief with regard to the location of Calvary, Mount Moriah, the Temple, and Fort Antonia, is founded on rational evidence. A reply to the objections of Dr. Clarke, Dr. Richardson, Rosenmueller and others, will be found in Calmet's Dictionary, Art. Golgotha.

will turn to the mode, particularly the Roman mode, of applying it. Its application to our Saviour is the best authenticated case which we have on record, and yet in this were several irregularities. He was tried before the Sanhedrim in the night, but the Gemara expressly declares, “a trial must be conducted in presence of the sun." He was crucified on the very day connected with that night, but the Mishna says, "pecuniary causes are finished on the day of their commencement; capital causes on the same day for absolution, but not until the day following for condemnation." It was customary to defer the execution of a malefactor more than one day after his capture. Suetonius in Tiber. cap. 25, says that a law was made, during the reign of Tiberius, by which the execution was deferred ten days after the sentence. The words of the Gemara in relation to Christ are,* "before his execution for forty days a crier had proclaimed publicly, Jesus is to be led forth to be slain with stones, because using deceits he has turned away not only single Israelites, but also whole cities from the worship of the true God. Nevertheless if any one know any thing for preserving his life, let him produce it. Finding however nothing in his favor, they executed him." But the Evangelists teach that his capture, his first and second trial before Caiaphas, then before Pilate, his intervening examination by Herod, and his final punishment, were tumultuously crowded into a space less than fourteen hours, and he was affixed to the cross at noon, whereas the Jewish law required a delay until some hours after. Another irregularity is discovered in the scourging of Jesus. This cruelty, by rule, followed the condemnation, but the procurator, from a mistaken policy of working on the pity of the Jews, so that they might release the sufferer, caused the operation to precede the sentence.†

Among the preparatory measures regularly preceding the affixion, and designed to augment either the ignominy or the pain of it, was the subjecting of the prisoner to the tauntings and buffoonery of a mob.

* See these words quoted in Hoffman's Processus Crim. Synedrii magni adversus Salvatorem.

That Jesus was scourged, previously to his condemnation, is evident from John xix. 1-16. Some have supposed from Matt. xxvii. 26; Mark xv. 15, that he was also scourged subsequently. There is no need, however, of this supposition, and no impropriety in it.

It was not at all uncommon for an ancient populace, when they had obtained possession of an unfortunate man, malefactor or not, to sport with his sensibilities. Even the Athe

nians did it. Paulus quotes an instance of the Persians, who annually, while celebrating a particular feast, called in one of their prisoners under sentence of death, seated him on a kingly throne, clothed him with the garments of a king, assembled around him in an attitude of mock-humility, and made the obeisance of subjects to him. Having done this, they arrayed him in his own garments, and, immediately after scourging, executed him. Similar amusement is recorded by Philo, to have been taken at Alexandria, when Herod Agrippa first visited that city with the title of king, and the citizens were filled with indignation, that a Jew should be honored with such a title. "There was," says the historian, "one Carabas, a sort of distracted fellow, that in all seasons of the year went naked about the streets. He was somewhat between a madman and a fool, the common jest of boys and other idle people. This wretch the Alexandrians brought into the theatre, and placed on a lofty seat, that he might be conspicuous to all; then they put a thing made of paper on his head for a crown; the rest of his body they covered with a mat, instead of a robe; and for a sceptre one put into his hand a little piece of a reed, which he had just taken up from the earth. Having thus given him a mimic royal dress, several young fellows, with poles on their shoulders, came and stood on each side of him as his guards. Then there came people toward him, some to pay their homage to him, others to ask justice of him, and some to know his will and pleasure concerning affairs of state. The multitude vociferated in loud and confused acclamations, maris, maris,' that being, as they say, the Syriac word for lord,' and thus intimated whom they designed to ridicule by all this mock show; for Herod Agrippa was a Syrian, and newly appointed king of a large country in Syria."

A very similar spirit the Romans seem to have exercised toward Christ; regarding him, Paulus thinks, as a halfinsane pretender to an office which he would not know how to manage, as the promulgator of a new, wild, unintelligible religion. More than a hundred of the soldiers collected

* See this quotation in Paulus, Com. Drit. Th. s. 732, 733,