Gorgias of Leon'tium for instruction. When he had passed some time with him, and thought himself capable of command, and, if honored with the friendship of the great, of making no inadequate return for their favors, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise with Cyrus; and expected to acquire in it a great name, extensive influence, and abundant wealth. But, though he earnestly wished for these things, he at the same time plainly showed that he was unwilling to acquire any of them by injustice, but that he thought he ought to obtain them by just and honorable means, or otherwise not at all.

He was, indeed, able to command orderly and well-disposed men, but incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with either respect or fear for him; he stood even more in awe of those under his command than they of him; and evidently showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by his soldiers than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. He thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable of command, to praise him who did well, and withhold his praise from the offender. Such, therefore, of his followers, as were of honorable and virtuous character, were much attached to him, but the unprincipled formed designs upon him, as a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old when he was put to death.

As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an excessive desire for riches, being desirous of command that he might receive greater pay, and desirous of honors that he might obtain greater perquisites; and he wished to be well with those in power, in order that when he did wrong he might not suffer punishment. To accomplish what he desired, he thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, falsehood, and deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded as no better than folly. He evidently had no affection for any man; and as for those to whom he professed to be a friend, he was unmistakably plotting mischief against them. He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with his associates as if ridiculing all of them. He formed no designs on the property of his enemies (for he thought it difficult to take what belonged to such as were on their guard against him), but looked upon himself as the only person sensible how very easy it was to invade the unguarded property of friends.

Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice he feared as men well armed; but sought to practice on those who were pious and observant of truth as imbeciles. As another might take a pride in religion and truth and justice, so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, in devising falsehoods, in sneering at friends; and thought the man who was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the world.

He believed that he must conciliate those in whose friendship he wished to stand first, by calumniating such as already held the chief place in their favor. The soldiers he tried to render obedient to him by being an accomplice ir. their dishonesty. He expected to be honored and courted, by showing that he had the power and the will to inflict the greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it as a favor on his own part that, while he made use of his services, he did not work his destruction.

As to such parts of his history as are little known, I might, if I were to speak of them, say something untrue of him; but those which every one knows, are these. While yet in the prime of youth he obtained, at the hands of Ar'is-tip'pus, the command of his corps of mercenaries. He was also, in his prime, most intimate with Ariæus, though a Barbarian, as Ariæus delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while yet a beardless youth, made a favorite of Thar'y-pas, who had arrived at manhood.

When his fellow-officers were put to death because they had served with Cyrus against the king, he, though he had done the same, was not put to death with them; but after the death of the other generals, he died under a punishment inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and the other commanders, who were beheaded, (which appears to be the speediest kind of death;) but after living a year in torture, like a malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end.

A'gi-as the Arcadian, and Soc'ra-tes the Achæan, were also put to death. These no one ever derided as wanting courage in battle, or blamed for their conduct toward their friends. They were both about five and thirty years of age.

THIRD BOOK.

Xenophon, good literary artist as he was, recapitulates in a sentence what had already been narrated, and proceeds to draw a striking picture of the present deplorable condition of the Greeks. Here is the picture in his own words:

After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the captains and soldiers as had accompanied them were put to death, the Greeks were in great perplexity, reflecting that they were not far from the king's residence; that there were around them, on all sides, many hostile nations and cities; that no one would any longer secure them opportunities of purchasing provisions; that they were distant from Greece not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to guide them on the way;

that impassable rivers would intercept them in the midst of their course; that the Barbarians who had gone up with Cyrus had deserted them; and that they were left utterly alone, having no cavalry to support them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated their enemies, that they would not kill a man of them, and that, if they were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive. Reflecting, I say, on these circumstances, and being disheartened at them, few of them tasted food for that evening, few kindled fires, and many did not come to the place of arms during that night, but lay down to rest where they severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and longing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, whom they never expected to see again. In this state of mind they all went to their resting-places.

Xenophon himself is next sketched by his own hand into his work, an interesting incident being retrospectively given of his relation to Socrates as one taking a pupil's advice from the sage respecting the propriety of his joining the expedition of Cyrus. Xenophon, during that night of discomfort and anxiety, dreamed a dream upon which he puts a twofold interpretation of his own. The upshot of it was, that upon awaking he arose and called together the captains that Proxenus, his special friend in the expedition, had commanded. He makes these captains a sensible speech, and intimates that if he should be chosen their leader, he, despite his youth, is not the man to refuse to serve. All assented except a Boeotian. Xenophon fell afoul of this unhappy dissentient, and got him contumeliously expelled from his captaincy. The next step was to call a general meeting of all the surviving officers of the different bodies of the Greeks. The meeting thus called took place about midnight. To the assembled officers Xenophon made an address full of brave counsel, which the complacent historian is willing to admit won him much credit. What he advised was, that new commanders be chosen to take the place of those lost. This was done, Xenophon himself being put in the place of Proxenus, his friend. Day now was just breaking, and the rank and file of the Greeks were called together, and

stoutly harangued by three men in succession. Xenophon was the last of the three, and made the longest speech. At least, his speech is longest as reported, which may be due to the historian's livelier interest and better memory as to this particular speech. He lets his reader understand that he dressed himself for the occasion as handsomely as he could. He had, near the commencement of his harangue, chanced to conclude a sentence with the words, "We have, with the help of the gods, many fair hopes of safety." At this instant somebody sneezed, whereupon the soldiers hearing it, with one impulse, paid their adoration to the god. It was an omen from Jupiter the Preserver, as Xenophon said. Xenophon (who it seems was more than willing to have a remark of his sneezed at) made the most of this circumstance, interrupting his speech to have the soldiers vote a vow of sacrifice, to be made in the first friendly country they should reach. All raised their hands, made their vow, and sang the pæan. On the whole, Xenophon managed the affair exceedingly well. An order of march proposed by him was agreed upon, and their several duties designated to all the commanders.

One of Xenophon's heroic proposals was to burn every thing that they could possibly spare on the homeward march. Their tents and their wagons were to be converted to ashes. This, of course, was to disencumber themselves as much as possible, alike that they might choose their paths more freely, proceed more rapidly, and be better prepared to fight. They immediately made the necessary bonfire, and having distributed among themselves the baggage, as far as it seemed absolutely necessary that this should be retained, they committed the rest to the flames. Having made this somewhat melancholy sacrifice, they went to breakfast.

While they were at this meal, up rode Mith'ri-da'tes, a neighboring Persian satrap, accompanied by thirty horse. Requesting the generals to core within hearing, he asked to know what their present plan might be, at the same

time suggesting that he was disposed to join them in their march, if their plan seemed to him well chosen. The generals consulted together, and returned for answer that their plan was, if unmolested, to go home, doing as little. injury as possible to the country through which they passed, but to fight their best, if opposition was offered them. Mithridates then tried to show them that they could not get on at all without the king's consent. No more than this was necessary to convince the wary Greeks that the mission of Mithridates was a treacherous one. He was, in

fact, observed to have with him a follower of Tissaphernes, supposably to insure his fidelity. The generals accordingly took a resolution that there should be no communication with the enemy by heralds; which meant war to the knife. The wisdom of this resolution seemed approved by a circumstance that occurred about this time in connection with a visit paid the Greeks by Persian heralds. One Ni-car'chus, an Arcadian, deserted in the night with about twenty men. After the incident of this interview with Mithridates, they resumed their march, first crossing a river, and then proceeding in regular array, with their beasts of burden and the camp-followers in the center. They had not gone far before Mithridates made his appearance again. This time he brings about two hundred horsemen, and about four hundred archers and slingers. He came up as if in a friendly manner, but when within suitable distance suddenly some of his men let fly a volley of stones and arrows at the Greeks, wounding a few of their number. It turned out that the Persian archers could shoot farther than the Cretans, while, too, the Persian slingers were beyond the reach of the Greeks that threw javelins. Xenophon, commanding the rear, was excessively annoyed. Bravely, but unwisely, he undertook to pursue the harassing foe. Being without cavalry, and the Persians having a considerable start, he wearied his men without effecting any thing whatever. The whole day was passed in the tor