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character and situation; and may be conceived quatenus a spectator, to be rather at Venice than at London. The image of Mr. Garrick, it is true, is painted on the retina of his eye, and the voice of Mrs. Cibber mechanically affects the tympanum of his ear: but it is as true also that he sees only the transports of Jaffier and listens only to the ravings of Belvidera. And yet there is no frenzy, no calenture in the case; the man may be as much in his senses as. Horace, when he supposed the same deception might happen to himself, under the like influence of theatrical magic :

Ille per extentum funem mihi poffe videtur
Ire poeta ; meum qui pectus inaniter angit,
Irritat, mulcet, falfis terroribus implet,

Ut magus ; et modo me Thebis, modo ponit Athenis. The spectator is unquestionably deceived ; but the deception goes no farther than the passions, it affects our sensibility but not our understanding: and is by no means so powerful a delusion as to affect our belief. There is a species of probability, which is necessary to be adhered to, even to engage the attention of the senses, and affect our paflions; but this regards the representation and not the materiality of the fable. The incredulus odi, of Horace, hath been cited with too great latitude of conftru&ion. It can hardly be supposed that the poet should stigmatize himself for incredulity, merely because he could not believe that Progne was metamorphosed into a bird, or Cadmus into a serpent. Or, fuppofing he might, why should he use the verb odi ? Why should he hate or detest a thing merely because he thought it incredible? It is natural indeed to hate whatever offends, or is shocking to, the senses. The truth is, these terms are directly applied to the form, or representation, and not to the materiality of the fable ; as is evident on perusing the context. The whole passage runs thus;

Aut agitur res in Scenis, aut acta refertur.
Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem,
Quam quæ funt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et quæ
Ipse sibi tradit spectator. Non tamen intus
Digna geri, promes in scenam: multaque tolles
Ex oçalis, quæ mox narret facundia præsens.
Nec pueros coram populo Medca trucidet;
Aut humana palam coquet exta nefarius Atreus ;
Aur ip avem Progne vertatur, Cadmus in anguem,

Quodcunque oftendis mihi fic, incredulus odi. We find no objection made to the credibility of these fables in themselves, (for on this the auditor may not give himself the trouble to beltow a single reflection) but to the unfeemliness or improbability that must necessarily attend their representation on the stage : by wbich means the senses would be offended with a palpable absurdity, not the understanding be imposed on by a

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falsehood, falsehood. For he allows that the very same things may be agreeably related which will not bear to be represented.-But to return to our Editor. That the judgment never mistook any dramatic representation we readily admit; but that our senses frequently do, is certain, from the effect it hath on our passions. Nay, Dr. Johnson himself, after all the pains he takes to prove the drama abfolutly incredible, is reduced, for want of making this necessary distinction, to confess that it really is credited

. • It will be asked, says he, how the drama moves, if it is not credited ? It is credited with all the credit due to a draina.' The method he takes, to evade this evident contradiction, is, by adopting the sophistry of those philosophers, who strive to account for the emotions of pity, gratitude, generosity and all the nobler paffions, from a retrospect to that of self-love. The drama is credited, says Dr. Johnfon, whenever it moves, as a just picture of a real original; as representing to the auditor what he would himself feel, if he were to do or fuffer what is there feigned to be suffered or to be done. The reflection that strikes the heart * is not, that the evils before us are real evils, but that they are evils to which we ourselves may be exposed.' Now nothing is more certain than that those spectators, who are most affected by dramatic representation are usually the least capable of making a comparison between the picture and the original. There are also few auditors that can put themselves in the place of the characters represented ; and we believe {till fewer who are moved because they reflect that they themselves are exposed to the evils represented on the stage. The audience are moved by mere mechanical motives; they Jaugh and cry from mere sympathy at what a moment's reflection would very often prevent them from laughing or cry. ing at all. If there be any fallacy, continues our Editor

, it is not that we fancy the players, but that we fancy ourselves unhappy for a moment; but we rather lament the possibility than suppose the presence of misery, as a mother weeps over

This language is not quite lo correct as might be expe&ed from a iter so capable of expreiling himself philofophically. The heart is often affected without any appeal to the judgment: nor is it necessary, in order to work upon our sensibility, to address the understanding. This is more frequently and more easily done by addrefling the pasions immediately through the fenfes.

+ Is this an accurate use of the verb remember? Can we be properly faid to remember what is yet to come, or what may never come at all? The meaning is, that the recolle as the precept or maxim which incul. cates the probability of death's depriving her of her child: but this is imperfeally expressed. Indeed this preface is not, in general, written with that precision and accuracy of Atyle, which distinguilles fome other this celebrated author's writings.


her babe, when the remembers † that death may take it from her. The delight of Tragedy proceeds from our consciousness of fiction; if we thought murders and treasons real they would please no more.' In reply to this, it may be safely affirmed, that we neither fancy the players nor ourselves unhappy : our imagination hath nothing to do with the immediate impressions whether of joy or sorrow ;. we are in this case merely passive, our organs are in unison with those of the players on the stage, and the convulsions of grief or laughter are purely involuntary. As to the delight we experience from Tragedy, it no more proceeds directly from a consciousness of fiction, than the pleafure we reap from Comedy; but is the physical consequence of having the transient sense of pain or danger excited in us by fympathy, instead of actually and durably feeling it ourselves. Hence that diminution of pain, which gives rise to the pleasing sensation, to which the ingenious Author of the enquiry into the Origin of our ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, gives the name of delight. And hence it is that such persons, who are most affected with the distress of a Tragedy, are generally most delighted with its representation.

- But we shall here take leave of this performance for the prefent; deferring our farther remarks, on the Editor's misapprehenfion of the dramatic unities, to another opportunity.

[To be continued.)

Two Papers on Fevers and Infeflion, by James Lind Physician to the King's Hospital at Haflar, &c. 1763. 8vo.

IS, 6d. fewed. Willon.

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U R Readers may possibly be surprised that a work pub

lished so long ago should now firit appear in the Review. The only excuse we have to offer for our seeming neglect, is, that we do not remember ever to have feen it advertised. Find ing however, on perusal that the book is by no means undeferving the attention of the public, we deem it proper, in jurtice to the Author, to our Readers, and ourselves, to give the following account of it.

Though we do not entirely disregard all theory on medical subjects, yet in general we are of opinion, that it merits attention only in proportion as it is founded on practical observation. Our Author begins his first paper with a succinct hirtory of several species of infectious fevers which occurred in


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Haflar hospital from June 1758, to the beginning of the year

From this history we shall select such facts or observations as we conceive may be new to those who have not seen this performance. • The Revenge and Montague about this time (1758) arrived from the Mediterranean, the crew of the former being in a very fickly condition. By smoking this ship well with the vapour of tar, the infection had abated. In the Saltash, the Doctor informs us, the men were attacked by a fever resembling the jail distemper described by Dr. Pringle. The ships which arrived at Spithead after the reduction of Louisburg brought with them a malignant fever, which attacked those also who were already afflicted with the scurvy. This circumstance the Doctor takes to be a proof of its proceeding entirely from infection, 'for, says he, I have found, that the fcurvy is a disease in its nature opposite to that of a fever'; insomuch that even an infection is long resisted by a scorbutic habit.' Admitting the fact upon the Doctor's authority, we apprehend it is only to be accounted for by that singular insensibility of the solids, which is considered as a pathognomic symptom of the scurvy, and which it is not difficult to conceive, may render the body less susceptible of a disease the causa prædisponens of which is probably an uncommon irritability of the arterial system.

Having mentioned the yellow fever brought home by the Acet from North-America, and also another species of infection communicated by ships manned partly from jails, our Author proceeds to enumerate their common fymptoms, viz. cough, copious expectoration, with lancinating pains through the tho

Some who recovered, remained dull of hearing, and a sew died consumptive... This distemper, says the Doctor, if it had occurred elsewhere than in the ships, might perhaps have been judged solely inflammatory, and to have proceeded from caufes very different from the real one.' Concerning the propriety of this observation we are not enabled to judge, as our Author says nothing of the state of the pulse, nor of the weather, to which the men had been exposed.

The Edgar, he informs us, was cleared of her infection by a large quantity of gun-powder fired on board her during an engagement. A species of intermittent fever was communicated to the Melampe by two men from a guard-ship. The favourable crisis of this diftemper was by ftool ; but the recovery of the majority of the patients was attributed to blisters. A patient from the Loestoffe was blooded on the sixth day of the yellow fever, brought from America, which afforded the Doctor the first opportunity of inspecting the blood in that disorder. He found the mass viscid and fizy, and after it had stood fome


time, the grumous concretion became covered with a yellow gluten half an inch thick, impenetrable to the finger, the ferum being as thick as syrup, of a deep yellow tinge, and bitter taste.

Upon the whole it appears, that these several species of fevers (or perhaps rather varieties of the same species) were generally contagious, and that the patients were most frequently relieved by the early application of blisters; likewise that the only effectual means of destroying the noxious miafmata is by fumigacion with tobacco, fulphur, arsenic, or gun-powder.

I never, says the Doctor, heard of any ship, which after having been carefully and properly smoked, did not immediately become healthy. Of this fact we do not entertain the least doubt; but we must beg leave to differ in opinion from the Doctor, when in the next paragraph he says, ' The modern practice of burning large fires in the open air in the streets of places infected with the plague, or other contagion, is founded on principles groundless and erroneous; and hath therefore been experienced not only unsuccessful but hurtful. Might not this have proceeded from a consumption and destruction of that principle in the air which is equally the food of aniinal life and of fire.

What the Doctor supposes, would certainly be the case, if by any means the surrounding fresh air were prevented from immediately supplying the place of that which the fire had ren. dered unfit for respiration; otherwile the supposition is entirely without foundation. We know from experience that smoke possesses a powerful antisceptiç quality, probably owing to the ammoniac it contains; and hence we are of opinion that large fires in cases of contagious diftempers, are of fingular benefit : As to the power of sulphur and arsenic, as mentioned above, we cannot suppose any thing specific in them, unless we imagine the noxious miasmata to consist of certain animalcula Alcating in the air, and adhering to the inside of the ship; which posibly may be the case.

From the good effects of fumigation in fhips, the Doctor very properly takes occasion to advise the like practice in the chambers where persons have died of any contagious distemper ; the corps being immediately removed, and the doors close shut for at least eight or ten hours, I have known, says our Author, that in several ships, the contagion of the small pox has been entirely stopt by means of wood hres, sprinkled with brimstone, kept burning, and closely confined in the infected place. In page 51, he advises the burning of Cascarilla bark, or the defusion of the steam of camphorated vinegar, in the chambers of the fick; and he concludes his first paper with directions for X 4


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