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derstood, and made your court to the vulgar, always envious and malignant, by trying to lower all dignity and confound all order : you made your court, I say, as servilely, and with as much offence to virtue, as the baseft Aatterer ever did to the most corrupted prince. But true philofophy will disdain to act either of these parts. Neither in the assemblies of the people, nor in the cabinets of kings, will the obtain favour by fomenting any bad dispositions. If her endeavours to do good prove unsuccessful, she will retire with honour, as an honest physician departs from the house of a patient, whose diftemper he finds incurable, or who refuses to take the remedies he prescribes. But if the fucceeds; if, like the music of Orpheus, her sweet persuasions can mitigate the ferocity of the multitude, and tame their minds to a due obedience of laws and reverence of magi, ftrates; or if she can form a Timoleon, or a Numa Pompilius, to the government of a state, how meritorious is the work ! One king, nay one minister, or counsellor of state, imbued with her precepts, is of more value than all the speculative, retired philosophers, or cynical revilers of princes and magistrates, that ever lived upon earth.'
These sentiments convey the keenest reproof of the conduct of those mock-patriots who servilely cringe to the rabble, while they affect to treat with insulting arrogance, those whom the constitution teaches them to refpect.
In the progress of the dialogue, Diogenes (neers at Plato, concerning his visionary republic; to which Plato answers,
I am conscious, Diogenes, that my republic was imaginary, and could never be established. But they shew as little know lege of what is practicable in politics, as I did in that book, who suppose that the liberty of any civil society can be maintained by the destruction of order and decency, or promoted by the petulance of unbridled defamation.
Diogenes. I never knew any government angry at defama. tion, when it fell on those who disliked or obstructed its meafures. But I well remember, that the thirty tyrants at Athene called opposition to them the destruction of order and decency,'
Of the truth of these reflections, daily experience fatally cons vinces us. How often do we see men who have risen to power by the arts of defamation, turn the most rigid persecutors of those who oppose their measures, wbile at the same time they patronize the foulest libels against their competitors: and yet the deluded multitude will still continue to be the dupes of contending parties, who thus betray the public, and weaken the constitution, to compass their own private ends !
In the dialogue which follows, between Aristides, Phocion, and Demofthenes, the different principles of the two latter are accurately scrutinized; Phocion is censured for having temporized against Philip, and for having at length been averse ta
serve the public: Demosthenes, on the other hand, is commended for having carried the war out of Attica against Philip, but blamed for having been induced by the spirit of party, to lay afide so great a general as Phocion.
In the concluding dialogue, Marcus Aurelius Philosophus and Servius Tullius are the Interlocutors. The subject of this colloquy is curious, and particularly interesting to a British reader. Servius Tullius lays claim to merit, superior to that of Marcus Aurelius.
· I need not tell you,' says the former, that the plan of government instituted by me was adopted by the Romans, when they had driven out Tarquin, the destroyer of their liberty ; and gave its form to that republic, composed of a due mixture of the regal, aristocratical, and democratical powers, the strength and wisdom of which subdued the world. Thus all the glory of that great people, who for many ages excelled the rest of mankind in the arts of war and of policy, belongs originally to me.' : To which Marcus Aurelius answers :
• There is much truth in what you say. But would not the Romans have done better, if, after the expulsion of Tarquin, they had vested the regal power in a limited monarch, instead of placing it in two annual elective magistrates, with the title of consu's ? This was a great deviation from your plan of government, and I think, an unwife one. For a divided royalty is a folecism, an absurdity in politics. Nor was the regal power, committed to the adıninistration of consuls, continued in their hands long enough, to enable them to finish any difficult war, or other act of great moment. From hence arose a necessity of prolonging their commands beyond the legal term; of shortening the interval prescribed by the laws between the elections to those offices; and of granting extraordinary commiflions and powers, by all which the republic was in the end deftroyed.'
To this' Servius replies, that the revolution which ensued on the death of Lavinia, was made with so much anger, that no wonder the Romans abolished the name of king. But if anger, says he, acted too violently in reforming, abuses, philosophy might have wisely corrected that error. He then proceeds to observe, that Marcus Aurelius might have formed a limited monarchy: to which Marcus makes the following judicious reply:
I should have been happy indeed, if it had been in my power to do such good to my country. But the gods themselves cannot force their blessing on men, who by their vices are become incapable to receive them. Liberty, like power, is only good for those who poffefs it, when it is under the constant direction of virtue. No laws can have force enough to hinder it from degenerating into faction and anarchy, where the morals
of of a nation are depraved ; and continual habits of vice will era-, dicate the very love of it out of the hearts of a people. A Marcus Brutus, in my time, could not have drawn to his standard a fingle legion of Romans. But further, it is certain that the Spirit of Liberty is absolutely incompatible with the spirit of conquest. To keep great conquered nations in fubjection and obedience, great standing armies are necessary. The generals of those armies will not long remain subjects; and whoever acquires dominion by the sword, must rule by the sword. If he does not destroy liberty, liberty will destroy him.'
These sentiments are more particularly worthy our attention at this critical conjuncture; we have now a deplorable instance before us of the fatal effects of extending dominion too widely. We fee an act of the British legislature openly opposed by British subjects: and the power of government (hitherto) too weak to enforce obedience to their authority. If there should be a necessity of employing military force, they and their mother-' country would have cause to mourn the occasion : and yet the mad multitude are dazzled with the spirit of conqueft, not confidering that conquests are purchased by the immediate sacrifices of their property, and at the hazard of their liberty.
The noble and ingenious Author concludes this dialogue with an encomium on the British constitution, which his Lordship has constantly endeavoured to preferve by his abilities, integrity, and moderation.
Practical Observations concerning the Cure of the Venereal Disease
by Mercurials. To which is added, a Letter to Peter Collinson, Esq; F.R. S. containing an Account of an Ear of Dog's Grass, that was swallowed by a Child, and afterwards discharged on its Back. By Jonathan Wathen, Surgeon. 8vo. I S. 6 d. Rivington.
R. Wathen professes to point out that peculiar operation by
which mercury removes the various appearances and degrees of the Venereal Disease. His principles, he says, are founded on a striæ attention to a great number of cases which have occurred in practice; and these are to be considered as so many experiments which have afforded him an opportunity of drawing conclusions with almost the same degree of certainty as in mathematical deductions. Our Author's experiments, however, are not related, his cases are unpublished, and he has vouchsafed only to favour the world with his almost mathematical conclu. fons,—The most remarkable of these we shall briefly enume
rate, and leave our Readers to judge how far they are new, how far they are just, or how near they approach to mathematical truths. The following are some of Mr. Wathen's conclufions ;-that the lues venerea, whether recent or chronic, local or universal, was never yet radically cured without the use of mercury ;--that the preparations contained in the London and Edinburgh dispenfatories, postess every valuable quality yet known, or perhaps obtainable from this mineral ;-that if two or three drachms of the unguent. cerul. fort. be used every night, the mercurial fymptoms will make their appearance from the third to the fifth day, and if continued in the same dose, a salivation will commence from the sixth to the ninth day; i. e. after have ing used three ounces of the ointment, or one ounce of the mera cury itself ;-that twel grains of the pila mercul. P. E. taken night and morning, will affect the mouth in about eight days, and, persisted in for eight days longer, a ptyalism will be raised; i. e. by; two drachms of the mercury thus divided ;-that the mercur. dulcis fublimatus, which is the best of the chymical clals, when given from five to ten grains every night, will raise a saJivation on the sixth, seventh, or eighth day; after having administered somewhat more than one drachm of this medicine;that the mercur, corrosiv. sublim. which is the most acrimonious preparation, given to one quarter of a grain twice a day, and perlifted in for a long time, seldom affects the salivary glands, or operates in any sensible manner ;--that this, the mercur. Jaccharatus, Bellofi's Pill, Keyser's Pill, and indeed all the preparations of mercury are essentially the same ;-that nothing can be more abfurd than a bigotted attachment to any one of them; and that we may occafionally use them all, by adapting them to the patient's case and situation ;-—that the mercur. corrof. Jublim. is not to be pepended on in these colder climates ;-that Keyser's Pills are inadequate to the cure of a confirmed lues ; and that the author of the Parallele des differentes methodes de traiter la maladie vénérienne, accounts for their reputation in France, from the interested patronage of the great; who have procured their general use in the army and navy, and given rewards to such patients, and fanction only to such furgeons, who have made use of Keyser's Pills ;- that these pills are nothing more than mercury dissolved in vinegar:-and that Meff Hawkins and Bromfield, after the most candid tryal, have rejected both these and the folution.Thus much for the various preparations; now for our Author's conclusions relative to the modus operandi of this mineral.
Mr. Wathen asserts, that mercury does not act by way of extinction ;--that it has not the property of a specific antidote ;-that when thrown into the blood in a sufficient quantity, nowerfully acts upon both the folids and fluids ; diminishing
the bulk and rigidity of the former, (the bones excepted) and breaking down and dividing the texture of the Auids :-the serum of the blood is now muddy, the cruor without tenacity, and the whole mass in a ftate of diffolution. Hence the symptoms of a true plethora, and the neceffity of some speedy evacuation ;-that nature generally determines this evacuation to be by the mouth; at other times by the inteitines; and but rarely by the skin or kidneys ;—that the venereal poison is fufed and refolved in this common diffolution; and expelled the body in the subsequent evacuation ;—that the perfect cure depends upon an exact proportion in these three things: a sufficient quantity of the medicine, a total diffolution of the poison, and its total evacuation :- and that the least deficiency in any of these points will neceffarily render the cure incompleat.--Such are our Author's chief observations; how near they approach to mathematical certainties, belongs not to us to determine. There are fome however, we apprehend, who are extensive practitioners, accurate obfervers, and good reasoners, who must be charged with infidelity ;-who will even assert that mercury is a Specific; an antidote to this particular poison ; that it destroys its nature ; renders it inactive; and that continued and encreased evacuations are not necessary to wash it out of the body as still noxious. They will ask too, if dissolution be the peculiar operation of this mineral, whence the buffy, dense state of the blood, which sometimes appears after a long continued use of mercury? --whence the more than usually viscid saliva, which is evacuated in a salivation ? Has Mr. Wathen explained the peculiar operation of mercury ;-whence is it that the volatile salts, or other powerful folvents, are not equally efficacious antivenereals? - Whence is it, that one ounce of mercury used in the form of ointment; two drachms of the fame administered in the form of pills; and only one drachm of the mercurius dulcis, do all produce the same mercurial symptoms ?-Some will doubt whether all the preparations of mercury can with propriety be said to be effentially the same. The kelp or foflile alkali, as united with the marine acid, makes our common alimentary falt: and whence the necessity of concluding that mercury, when combined with the same acid, should retain its own individual nature ?
We shall just mention Mr. Wathen's practice. When the disease is recent and local, half an ounce of the mercureal ointment is to be rubbed every morning on or as near the part affected as possible ; four or five stools are to be procured every day, wbich is an evacuation proportioned to the quantity of fluids dissolved by such a dose of mercury; and this course is to be continued for a month or more. There are practitioners who will call this a somewhat Herculean method. In the worst