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Dhire footman, entitled, An Attempt to restore the Supreme Worship, &c. To obviate, in some degree, the apprehended ill effects of this unpube lished book, and this re-published pamphlet, Mr. Penny has given us his own peculiar fancies relating to the fall, ibe redemption, the trinity, &c, which he first printed in a weekly oews-paper, and has now collected into a pamphlet, with some additions.

* In a second edition, with a preface, which this Writer fupposes to have been written by Mr. Harwood.

POLITICAL and COMMERCIAL. Art. 12. Commercial Laws, Charters and Decrees ; being an'ana

thentic Copy of the Privileges and Immunities which have been granted at sundry Times, and on various Occasions, by the Kings of Portugal, in favour of the Merchants of Great Britain; the whole properly attested, and taken from the Register-book, by the British Consuls residing at Lisbon. 4to. 45. Jones, Clifford's-Inn. The publication of these commercial decrees, &c. cannot but be acceptable to all who are concerned in the trade with Portugal. There is among them, a copy of the • Articles of peace, alliance, and commerce, concluded between the most serene LORD Protector of England, Scotland, and Ireland, on the one part, and the most serene king of Portugal, and of the Algarves, 'on the other part: done at Westmine fter, on the roth of July, 1654.' This treaty, like his other transaccions of the same kind, does honour to Cromwell's memory; and thews how nobly the national reputation and interest were supported under his steady and vigorous adminiftration.

Art. 13. The secret Springs of the late Changes in the Ministry,

fairly explained, by an Honest Man. In Answer to the Abuse and Misrepresentations of a pretended Son of Candor. With an Introductory

Letter to the Printer of the Public Advertiser. 8vo: Is. 6 d. Becket and de Hondt.

Our Readers may remember the appearance of one or two pamphlets, occasioned by a notable paper in the Public Advertiser of Sept. 5,1765; in which the dismission of the late miniftry was freely animadverted upon; and some hints were thrown out, in order to account for that fudden change, in a manner not so much intended to do honour to the gentle men who came in, on that occasion, as to vindicate the just feelings and refentments of a GREAT PERSONAGE, on account of the arrogant behaviour of the former fet.

This pamphlet contains a new edition of that paper, with the Author's own commentary upon, and defence of it, and it now appears to be the production of no contemptible, though an incorrect pen. The fpi. rited Writer intimates, that he is not an author by profession ; ' that he was a military man, of good repute in the army, and of great distinction in the world and (braving the consequences of such a declaration) he

openly

openly profeffes himself to be a friend to the cause of the Earl of BHe is not, however, fo blinciy attached to that nobleman's cause, as not to see the error of his Lordship's conduct, in one very material respect, his avowed contempt of popularity; on which he makes the fol. lowing remark, thus introduced : When I wrote my letter", as well as when I saw the extract of it in print, the E- of B-e had never had any direct nor indirect knowledge of my being one of his advocates ; that long before, and ever since, I never had the least intercourse with himself, and very, very little with any of his friends; and that it is not a very long while ago, that by the means of some of the latter, I did fend him very freely my fincere opinion on his unaccountable neglea, in fufsering the people to continue in that unjust, unfortunate, and dangerous odium, which they had been, and were still daily inspired with, against him, by so much public calumny, flander, and abuse, as the news-papers were filled with ; and that I thought it high time, and his doty towards his k-g and country, as well as himself and family, to vindicate his honour and reputation, in the fame public manner as they had been attacked.

• Whether this has had any effect upon his own mind, I have not been able to learn; but I have since seen with pleasure, that there have already appeared in your papers, other such convincing juftifications of his characa ter and conduct, that unless the public should read nothing but the onwarranted, unlupported (though thousand times repeated) lies, that are thrown out against him ; and prefer the false wit and ridicule with which they are kept up, to the authentic facts and found arguments which have appeared in his defence, it is impossible that the nation can fill perfiftia an odium, founded upon nothing but detected and confused siander and calumny. The Earl has always been blamed, by many of his friends, from the moment he appeared on the stage, for not having minded enough the dangerous effects which the fall Lcope and impunity of such infamous, and unexampled abuse, would at last produce among the generality of the people. He ought to have taken up the cudgels and ihrust them into the hands of the abieft pen-men he could get, whester volunteers or mercenaries, for the vindication of bis majesty's confidence in bis counsels, as well as for the honour of government and his own reputation. He was, unfortunately for this kingdom, 100 much the man of honour, for using the means and tools employed by micilters in fupport of their power: he scorned too much the mean and nauseous tak of purchasing men whom he could not but despise, at the expence of his fincerity, and with favours they did not deserve. He would otherwise have had a Churchill, and a Wilkes, at his elbow, and have furained them with materials of truth and found politics, instead of the scurrilous falfhoods, and seditious tenets, which their talents were employed in. He was, moreover, too much cut out for council and cabinet, to make the best of a drawing room : his mind was too elevated for the secondary views and functions of a minister ; and he was too intent upon the objects on which the preservation and the welfare of a whole people de.

• It seems (according to this gentleman's folemn declarations) the paper in the Public Advertiser was not intended for the press, but was really an extract of a private letter to a friend ; and by thac friend inferted in the news paper, without the Writer's knowlege.

penda,

pended, to mind fufficiently how far his own was at stake; and what Thare it deserved in his attention, for the better execution of his falutary designs. He would otherwise have instructed and authorized his friends, from the beginning, to publish such truths as he alone was possessed of, and entitled to communicate, to the ruin of falfhood, before it had made such deep and lamentable impresions on the minds of the people. He would, in imitation of Mr. Pitt, not have scrupled to disclole whatever secrets he might have thought proper, in order to instruct the public with his motives, first, for resigning his public fiation, and afterwards, for totally withdrawing his asistance from his successors, and his advice from his king. He would not have confided so long in the notion, that his integrity, and the purity of his intentions, with a suitable conduct and deportment in his retreat, would be sufficient to withstand, and at last overset all the efforts of inveterate envy and malice : and he would not have been so reluctant in furnishing his friends with those few materials which they have latierly thought it necessary to extort from bim; and to publish (as I am sured by some of them of undoubted veracity) without his knowledge or consent, not merely in vindication of his character, but of the highest and sacredeft one amongst us.'

As to the Author's explanation of the secret springs of the late changes in the ministry, as he hath improperly expresied it in his title-page, those who, at this time of day, may be curious of farther information, we refer to the pamphlet at length.

Art. 14. A Candid Review of the New Administration. 8vo. Is.

Wilkie. An acrimonious answer to a pamphlet, entitled, The Merits of the New Admin, ftration, mentioned in our Review for September. The present anti-ministerial Writer affects the most sovereign contempt of the gentlemen now in power; whose removal he considers as the first step to our lafety :'-but, by the way, he has not shewn what degree of danger we are threatened with, should they continue in the places they now fill;—and that they will continue, there is now very little room to entertain even the smallelt doubt. Art. 15. A Vindication of the Ministry's Acceptance of the Admini

firation ; with an Exposition of the real Motives of a noble Lord's declining it. In Answer to A Letter from a Son of Candor to the Public Advertiser. With a Proposal to establish the Public Tranquillity, to the Satisfaction of all parties. In a Letter from a Citizen to his friend in the Country. 8vo. IS. Coote,

In this answer to the Principles of the late Changes, &c. the Author undertakes a great deal, and performs little. He is an indifferent writer, and bis attempts at pleasantry are coarse and awkward. His manner of accounting for Lord Temple's declining to embark in the state vessel, are no better than mere cavils against what was said on that subject by the author of the PRINCIPLES*: who, perhaps, is equally out of the fecret. In short, it is happy for the present ministry, that their permahency does not depend on the abilities of their literary advocates. Sce Review for the last month, p. 399a

Art. 16.

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Art. 16. A Free and Candid Address to the Right Hon. William

Pitt, on the present Posture of Affairs, both at home and abroad. Folio. 6 d. Cooke.

Mr. Pite is here warmly solicited, in the name of the di: nterested and truly loyal subjects of Great Britain, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America,' to resume the reins of administration. The Author appears to be of opinion, that nothing less than the influence and credit of this great commoner can restore our disorder'd national affairs to that hopeful and profperous state in which they were, at the time of that minister's retirement, particularly in regard to the discord which hath unhappily broke out, in the American colonies. We trust, however, that this is a mis take; and that means will be found to restore the wonted harmony between the mother and her children, whether Mr. P. doth or doch noc chufe to ' resume the seals, -as it is here expressed, with too little respect to the dignity of the crown.

Art. 17. The Grievances of the American Colonies candidly examined.

Printed by Authority, at Providence in Rhode Island. London, re-printed. 8vo. IS. Almon.

A modeft yet pathetic recital of the hardships laid on our American brethren, by an act, limiting, restricting, and burthening the trade cf the colonies, -as also for greatly enlarging the power and jurisdictior of the courts of admiralty in the colonies,--and likewile ettablishing, by another Act, certain itamp duties.'-Much hath been said in regard to the last mentioned act; but, perhaps that for enlarging the power of the admiralty.courts, (though it will be lefs generally felt) is not of a less grievous nature; it we may depend on the account here given of the hard tips which individuals may experience, from the natural tendency of an act which will let loose upon the people, a swarm of those worst of vermin INFORMERS for the sake of the reward: wretches who have been the pest of every society, and the curse of every country which they have infested.

Art. 18. A Letter to a Member of Parliament, wherein the Porter

of the British Legislature, and the Case of the Colonists, are briefit and impartially considered. 8vo. is. Flexney.

The sensible writer of this letter, endeavours to prove, that, in point of law, the colonists are bound to pay obedience to every act of the parliament of Great Britain, wherein they are expressly named. He condiders the extent and diffufiveness of parliamentary jurisdi&tion, throughout all the British dominions ; he adverts to that chain of connexion and de pendance which has ever subfifted between the mother countries and colonies of ancient and modern times; he examines the plea of non-representation, so much urged by the advocates for our North American colonies, in regard to their opposition to the stamp-act; and he finally concluder, that the legislature hath done nothing but what it had fail and constitutional power 10 do: consequently, that the colonists, by bave ing denied and resisted this power, have been hurried into a conduei, tured with an offence, bordering too nearly upon the werft species of

treason ;

treason ;-a treason against the state.' So far, as to Law. With respect to Policy, the Author is clearly on the other side of the question. He condemns the stamp-act, as one of the worst measures of the late miniftry ; ' a fatal addition to the blunders of their inglorious predecefsors, ibe peace-makers ;' and he speaks with the highest resentment of

that plan of policy which aims at the attainment of an end, at the same time that it proscribes the means ;'-' the exaction of a payment ir money, when the most effectual ministerial fratagems had been pursued, to incapacitate the colonifts from getting an *.' He conceives hopes, however, that the present administration will apply themselves diligently to the removal of all our intestine troubles and perplexities; and that • however arduous and discouraging their predeceffors in office may have contrived to render this duty, yet they will enter upon this great work, assured of the hearty concurrence and co-operation of all good men.'– We sincerely believe all good men will concur in wishing and hoping that our Author's expectations may not be disappointed.

* This alludes to what our Author calls, the degrading the British navy into smuggling cutters and pirates upon our own commerce ;' and depriving the colonists of the enjoyment and profecution of a trade, not only lucrative to themselves, but in which the whole traffic of this kingdom is deeply and essentially interwoven.'

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Art. 19. The Necility of repealing the American Stamp-act demonfrated: Or, a Proof that Great Britain must be injured by that Aal. In a Letter to a Member of the British House of Commons. 8vo. Almon.

This is one of the most considerable publications on the subject of the present disagreeable situation of affairs in our North-American colonies; and contains, indeed, more information than all the relt put together. Among other important particulars, the very ingenious and spirited Author thus takes notice of the popular assertion, • that the colonies are said to be greatly in our debt, for the blood and treasure we have spent on their account, during the late war :' that we may be able to form a proper judgment on this subject, it will, says hc, be necessary to review the cause and event of that war: the facts are these: Our North-American colonies, says he, are extended along the shore near 2000 miles, and backward not 200 miles, upon an average : the limits of these colonies are fixed by charter, and several of them are already full, though not very thick seirled. An immeasurable territory lies behind these colonies, which is not theirs, nor did they ever claim it; their charter gave them no pretensions to such a claim: it is the territory of Great Britain, never yet located, nor granted to any particular subject. It was natural to suppose and expe&, that as soon as the bounds of her prefent colonies were all peopled, she would also divide this wilderness into other colonies, which might become a new source of riches and pover.

But the French had perfidiously surrounded our present colonies by a chain of forts, and thereby must have cut off all hopes of future increase to our dominions; in this case it was the interest of Great Britain, it was absolutely necessary for her to remove the French ; and removed they were, by a glorious and successful conflict; but did the Britons

alone

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