THE LAST REVOLUTION OF THE EARTH.
"a second asylum" (p. 29), and that, generally speaking, there may have been ". more than one primitive land" (p. 28). We should prefer giving at once to one primitive land a greater extent, and not confining it within such narrow limits. It must also not be overlooked, into what wide regions of the earth one and the same name for vast mountains and countries, in the old world, was often applied and extended. The name of the Caucasus gives us an instance of this, so likewise of the Imaus, and lastly of Asia itself. If, therefore, the Himalaya and the Hindukush lie nearest the Indian (p. 24), and are especially named before all others in the Indian tradition; if the Altai (p. 52) forms the pivot, as it were, for the first immigration of the North-Asiatic tribes, and the Ural designs the great, old national way (p. 53) to the west, that is, to northern and central Europe; so Moses also ought not to be passed over with such indifference, because he makes the patriarch Noah rest with the ark on Mount Ararat. Each tradition, as we see, refers on the whole but to one and the same central high land, and to one primeval Asiatic mountain-chain, in all its wide ramifications. If Anquetil's opinion were the right one, which places Eeriene at the foot of the Albordi, in the land that is watered by the Kur and Araxes, the declaration of the Zendavesta, according to this interpretation, would then agree very closely with that of Moses. From what was quoted and examined into further back, this explanation relative to Eeriene cannot well be admitted; but an agreement so very accurate and precise is neither to be expected nor sought for in this case. Nevertheless, where the explaining of ancient geography is coupled with so much doubt, and where the best opinion is for the most part only the more probable one, this ought to make us diffident, and not too eager, for the sake of a preconceived opinion, to reject any old Asiatic tradition, how much less, then, the Mosaic document.
With this remark we conclude this communication respecting the work of the author. It has, perhaps, been too lengthily drawn up. Should I have succeeded in producing a conviction in his mind, that Moses and the Genesis may be, after all, regarded also in another and different point of view from what he has hitherto done, I should rejoice, if my expectations on this score should be not deceived, or be even
surpassed. In every case my design was to examine thoroughly and seriously, excluding all partiality from the primitively-historical inquiry; to show, also, that what is only too frequently represented as entirely separate or even contradictory, when rightly understood, agrees perfectly well together. Lastly, it is indeed high time that the two witnesses of the living truth and clear knowledge of antiquity, viz. "writ and nature," should no longer be used and misused in mutual opposition, that they should lie, dead for all more exalted knowledge, neglected in the lane, abandoned to the scorn of ignorant understanding. The moment has visibly arrived when they shall rise again victoriously, as loud witnesses of the divine truth so long misunderstood, to the greater and ever greater glorification of that truth both in science and in life. It is doing but a sorry service to religion, or rather to both, when we put religion in opposition to science, to which this esoterical branch of history also so essentially belongs. Now if, in this first attempt at a profounder understanding of this subject, much should be still found that will be, perhaps, "a stumbling-block to the Jews, and to the Greeks a foolishness," as all that is conceived in a Christian manner with science for the most part is, I nevertheless know that this way, which I have attempted to point out here, will be more and more recognized, and more universally perfected, because it is the right one.
ALBERT (the Emperor), his love of | ARCHITECTURE, influence of the
justice, 122; his treatment of the Swiss, ibid.; his death a misfor- tune for Germany, ibid.; his at- tachment to the church, 148; his policy favourable to the cities, 152. ALBERTUS MAGNUS, his intellectual powers and rare learning, 115; his orthodoxy, ibid.
ALCUIN, his friendship with Charle- magne, 70.
ALEXANDER THE GREAT, charac- teristics of his genius, 9; his love of the Oriental, ibid.; his leading idea, ibid. his resemblance to the heroes of the middle age, 107. ALFRED, superiority of, to his age,
69; his moral qualities, ibid.; com- pared with Charlemagne, ibid. ALVA, Duke of, his character, 219;
his earlier career glorious, 220; his cruelty in old age, ibid. ANGLO-SAXONS, their policy supe- rior to that of the Franks, 68; their conversion to Christianity, 69; their high intellectual culture, ibid.; vast services of their mis- sionaries, ibid. ; their constitution, ibid.
ARABS, their influence on the West limited, 112, 113; their high na- tional character, 113; the influence of Mahomet; historical results of Mahommedanism, 114, 115.
crusades on, 111, 112. ARCHITECTURE, Gothic, rise of, 112; its chief characteristics, ibid.; its peculiarly Germanic origin, ibid. ARMINIUS, the type of his age, 40; his noble character, 40, 42; his success in war, 41; his familiarity with Roman civilization, ibid.; his patriotism, ibid.; his domestic policy, 42; the hatred of his kind- red, ibid.; the ingratitude of his countrymen, ibid.; his fame after death, 43; vast historical conse- quences of his deeds, ibid.; cele- brated in a poem of Klopstock's, ibid.
ARNOLD OF BRESCIA, his revolu-
tionary philosophy, 115; his su- periority to later heretics, ibid. ARTS, the fine, their relation with
history, 1,2; the useful, when bene- ficial to man, 22, 117.
ATTILA, his personal disposition, 55, 57; his wars desolating, 55; his personal appearance, 57; vast ex- tent of his kingdom, ibid.; his hatred against the Romans, ibid. ; nature of his power personal, 58; used the Gothic language, ibid.; attempted to root out the Latin, 59; career of, a frequent subject of Gothic poetry, 74. AUSTRIA, province of, was peopled by Gothic tribes, 91; prosperity
of, under the Othos, ibid.; acqui- | sition of by Rodolph of Haps- burg, 120.
AUSTRIA, as a federal state, its historical importance, 126; was founded by Rodolph of Haps- burg, ibid.; its excellent race of princes, 127, 143; acquisition of Luxemburg, 142; union with Hungary, 143; permanent annex- ation of the imperial dignity, ibid.; aggrandized by the victories of the Swiss over Charles the Bold, 144; its influence on Europe com. pared with that of France and England, 193; was to remain a federative state according to the scheme of Charles V. ibid.; the excessive severity of the Spanish branch, 223, 224; the excessive mildness of the German branch, one of the causes of the Thirty Years' War, 224; its happy alliance with England, 271; basis of its new policy, ibid. ; its national re- vival after the Thirty Years' War, ibid.; Montecuculi and Eugene, 272, 274; military glories of Aus- tria, 274; the early part of the eighteenth century, its glorious epoch, 282; its European functions, ibid.; its separation from England, 296.
AUSTRIAN PRINCES, their principles of government, 147; their love of peace, ibid.; their attachment to the church, ibid.; their repug- nance to despotism, 147, 152; their political ideal, 148; their reverence for national rights, 152; their view of the imperial consti- tution, ibid.; their misfortunes and constancy, ibid.; they best upheld the constitution of the middle ages, 155, 156; their love of peace with France carried to excess, 190.
BALANCE of power, system of, among the Græco-Macedonian states, 9;1
consequences of, 10; predominant in the eighteenth century, 281; necessarily destroys itself, ibid.; principle of inculcation second only to that of perfect justice, ibid. BASIL, council of, contributed to revive the connection between the several states of Europe, 141. BIBLE, knowledge of, in the middle
BOURBON, duke of, his desertion from the French king to be pal- liated, 182.
BURGESSES, rise of the order of, 97 ; were favoured by the emperors, ibid. ; influence of the crusades, 111; their soaring spirit displayed in their architectural monuments, ibid.; founded a peculiar state in the Hanseatic League, 126; their characteristic excellencies, 157.
CESAR, indebted for victory at
Pharsalia to German tactics, 30; by the multitude preferred to Alexander, 173.
CALVINISM, compared with Luther- anism, 235; was fertile in political ideas, ibid.; favourable to the re- publican spirit, ibid. ; its rejection of the mysterious, 237; was fruit- ful of new sects, 237, 238. CARLOVINGIANS, their attachment to religion, 64; their virtues here- ditary, 65; rise of their dynasty, ibid.; their heroism, 66; pro- tected popular rights, 69; adhered to the use of the Frankish language, 71; rise of their dynasty a national reaction, ibid.
CHARLEMAGNE, his heroic ancestry, 66, 67; his conquests, 67; his wars and military capacity, 67, 69; cruel treatment of the Saxons, 67; the Rhenish provinces the centre of his monarchy, 68; the high civilization of the Rhine land
due to him, ibid.; the subjugation of the Saxons indispensable, ibid. ; compared with Alfred, 69; effects of.his legislation, 70, 81; the idea of the empire derived from him, 70; his intercourse with Alcuin and other scholars, ibid.; his at- tention to learning and art, ibid. ; his encouragement of the German language and poetry, ibid.; his predilection for Germany, 71; was himself a subject of poetry, 78; singular conception of, by the Norman poets, ibid. ; causes of the short duration of his empire, ibid. ; character of his successors, ibid. his partition of the empire, 78, 79; law of succession among the Franks, 79; causes of the dissolu- tion of his empire, 79, 80; his- torical insignificance of his pos- terity, 80; his generous policy, 84; his relations with the Roman see, 87. CHARLES THE BOLD, effect of his career on Europe, 144; his cha- racter, ibid.; his projected Bur- gundian kingdom, ibid. CHARLES IV. (the emperor), his policy erroneous, 123; his imperial constitution arbitrary, 124; his reign fatal to the imperial dignity and injurious to Germany, 124, 140; his protection of the Scla- vonic races, 124; his reign bene- ficial to Bohemia, ibid.; his mo- ral and intellectual character, ibid. CHARLES V., age of, forms an histo-
rical epoch, 139; origin of great historical events, ibid.; modes of human progress, ibid.; simulta- neous unfolding of the moral and intellectual powers of Europe, 140; relations of Charles V. to his own times, ibid.; Charles V., the em- peror, the people and nobility de- voted to him, 168; the attach- ment of the princes doubtful, ibid.; his facilities for acquiring absolute power, ibid.; enterprizes of Sick-
ingen, ibid.; his efforts to restore religious unity, 171; his anticipa- tion of the evils of the Reforma- tion, 172; right motives of action, ibid.; men of great ideas seldom appreciated, 173; his merits un- derrated, 174; difficulty of judg- ing him, ibid.; his boyhood and youth, ibid.; his instructors, Adrian and Chièvres, ibid.; his character in youth, 175; his per- sonal appearance, ibid.; state of Spain at his accession, ibid.; perils besetting his government, ibid. ; his treatment of Ximenes, 176; his self-reliance only gradually developed, ibid.; his resolution to repair to Germany, ibid.; import- ance of his election as emperor, ibid.; critical state of Europe, 177; acquisition of Mexico, ibid.; de- velopment of his character and intellect, ibid.; his anxiety to re- store the lustre of the imperial dignity, ibid.; investigates the new doctrines, 178; upholds the ancient faith, ibid.; his sense of justice, ibid.; his view of the du- ties of an emperor, ibid.; the fa- cility of augmenting his power, 179; his reverence for vested rights, ibid.; hostility and secret intrigues of Francis I., 180; invasion of Navarre by the French, ibid.; suppression of the Spanish revolt, ibid.; was the real founder of Spanish greatness, ibid.; his in- fluence on the Spanish nobles, 181; he upholds the free constitution of the Spanish cities, ibid. ; his love for Spain, ibid.; the great men he encompassed himself with, 181, 182; parallel with Francis I., 182; the acquisition of Bourbon and of Doria, ibid.; his error in releasing Francis I., 183; the jus- tice of his claims on Burgundy, ibid.; his desire of peace with France, 184; family alliances be- tween the French and Austrian houses, ibid.; his mode of carry-
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