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النشر الإلكتروني

THE LAST REVOLUTION OF THE EARTH.

403

"a second asylum" (p. 29), and that, generally speaking, there may have been ". more than one primitive land" (p. 28). We should prefer giving at once to one primitive land a greater extent, and not confining it within such narrow limits. It must also not be overlooked, into what wide regions of the earth one and the same name for vast mountains and countries, in the old world, was often applied and extended. The name of the Caucasus gives us an instance of this, so likewise of the Imaus, and lastly of Asia itself. If, therefore, the Himalaya and the Hindukush lie nearest the Indian (p. 24), and are especially named before all others in the Indian tradition; if the Altai (p. 52) forms the pivot, as it were, for the first immigration of the North-Asiatic tribes, and the Ural designs the great, old national way (p. 53) to the west, that is, to northern and central Europe; so Moses also ought not to be passed over with such indifference, because he makes the patriarch Noah rest with the ark on Mount Ararat. Each tradition, as we see, refers on the whole but to one and the same central high land, and to one primeval Asiatic mountain-chain, in all its wide ramifications. If Anquetil's opinion were the right one, which places Eeriene at the foot of the Albordi, in the land that is watered by the Kur and Araxes, the declaration of the Zendavesta, according to this interpretation, would then agree very closely with that of Moses. From what was quoted and examined into further back, this explanation relative to Eeriene cannot well be admitted; but an agreement so very accurate and precise is neither to be expected nor sought for in this case. Nevertheless, where the explaining of ancient geography is coupled with so much doubt, and where the best opinion is for the most part only the more probable one, this ought to make us diffident, and not too eager, for the sake of a preconceived opinion, to reject any old Asiatic tradition, how much less, then, the Mosaic document.

With this remark we conclude this communication respecting the work of the author. It has, perhaps, been too lengthily drawn up. Should I have succeeded in producing a conviction in his mind, that Moses and the Genesis may be, after all, regarded also in another and different point of view from what he has hitherto done, I should rejoice, if my expectations on this score should be not deceived, or be even

surpassed. In every case my design was to examine thoroughly and seriously, excluding all partiality from the primitively-historical inquiry; to show, also, that what is only too frequently represented as entirely separate or even contradictory, when rightly understood, agrees perfectly well together. Lastly, it is indeed high time that the two witnesses of the living truth and clear knowledge of antiquity, viz. "writ and nature," should no longer be used and misused in mutual opposition, that they should lie, dead for all more exalted knowledge, neglected in the lane, abandoned to the scorn of ignorant understanding. The moment has visibly arrived when they shall rise again victoriously, as loud witnesses of the divine truth so long misunderstood, to the greater and ever greater glorification of that truth both in science and in life. It is doing but a sorry service to religion, or rather to both, when we put religion in opposition to science, to which this esoterical branch of history also so essentially belongs. Now if, in this first attempt at a profounder understanding of this subject, much should be still found that will be, perhaps, "a stumbling-block to the Jews, and to the Greeks a foolishness," as all that is conceived in a Christian manner with science for the most part is, I nevertheless know that this way, which I have attempted to point out here, will be more and more recognized, and more universally perfected, because it is the right one.

INDEX.

ALBERT (the Emperor), his love of | ARCHITECTURE, influence of the

justice, 122; his treatment of the
Swiss, ibid.; his death a misfor-
tune for Germany, ibid.; his at-
tachment to the church, 148; his
policy favourable to the cities, 152.
ALBERTUS MAGNUS, his intellectual
powers and rare learning, 115; his
orthodoxy, ibid.

ALCUIN, his friendship with Charle-
magne, 70.

ALEXANDER THE GREAT, charac-
teristics of his genius, 9; his love
of the Oriental, ibid.; his leading
idea, ibid. his resemblance to the
heroes of the middle age, 107.
ALFRED, superiority of, to his age,

69; his moral qualities, ibid.; com-
pared with Charlemagne, ibid.
ALVA, Duke of, his character, 219;

his earlier career glorious, 220;
his cruelty in old age, ibid.
ANGLO-SAXONS, their policy supe-
rior to that of the Franks, 68;
their conversion to Christianity,
69; their high intellectual culture,
ibid.; vast services of their mis-
sionaries, ibid. ; their constitution,
ibid.

ARABS, their influence on the West
limited, 112, 113; their high na-
tional character, 113; the influence
of Mahomet; historical results of
Mahommedanism, 114, 115.

crusades on, 111, 112.
ARCHITECTURE, Gothic, rise of, 112;
its chief characteristics, ibid.; its
peculiarly Germanic origin, ibid.
ARMINIUS, the type of his age, 40;
his noble character, 40, 42; his
success in war, 41; his familiarity
with Roman civilization, ibid.; his
patriotism, ibid.; his domestic
policy, 42; the hatred of his kind-
red, ibid.; the ingratitude of his
countrymen, ibid.; his fame after
death, 43; vast historical conse-
quences of his deeds, ibid.; cele-
brated in a poem of Klopstock's,
ibid.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA, his revolu-

tionary philosophy, 115; his su-
periority to later heretics, ibid.
ARTS, the fine, their relation with

history, 1,2; the useful, when bene-
ficial to man, 22, 117.

ATTILA, his personal disposition, 55,
57; his wars desolating, 55; his
personal appearance, 57; vast ex-
tent of his kingdom, ibid.; his
hatred against the Romans, ibid. ;
nature of his power personal, 58;
used the Gothic language, ibid.;
attempted to root out the Latin,
59; career of, a frequent subject
of Gothic poetry, 74.
AUSTRIA, province of, was peopled
by Gothic tribes, 91; prosperity

of, under the Othos, ibid.; acqui- |
sition of by Rodolph of Haps-
burg, 120.

AUSTRIA, as a federal state, its
historical importance, 126; was
founded by Rodolph of Haps-
burg, ibid.; its excellent race of
princes, 127, 143; acquisition of
Luxemburg, 142; union with
Hungary, 143; permanent annex-
ation of the imperial dignity, ibid.;
aggrandized by the victories of
the Swiss over Charles the Bold,
144; its influence on Europe com.
pared with that of France and
England, 193; was to remain a
federative state according to the
scheme of Charles V. ibid.; the
excessive severity of the Spanish
branch, 223, 224; the excessive
mildness of the German branch,
one of the causes of the Thirty
Years' War, 224; its happy alliance
with England, 271; basis of its
new policy, ibid. ; its national re-
vival after the Thirty Years' War,
ibid.; Montecuculi and Eugene,
272, 274; military glories of Aus-
tria, 274; the early part of the
eighteenth century, its glorious
epoch, 282; its European functions,
ibid.; its separation from England,
296.

AUSTRIAN PRINCES, their principles
of government, 147; their love of
peace, ibid.; their attachment to
the church, ibid.; their repug-
nance to despotism, 147, 152;
their political ideal, 148; their
reverence for national rights, 152;
their view of the imperial consti-
tution, ibid.; their misfortunes and
constancy, ibid.; they best upheld
the constitution of the middle
ages, 155, 156; their love of peace
with France carried to excess, 190.

BALANCE of power, system of, among
the Græco-Macedonian states, 9;1

consequences of, 10; predominant
in the eighteenth century, 281;
necessarily destroys itself, ibid.;
principle of inculcation second only
to that of perfect justice, ibid.
BASIL, council of, contributed to
revive the connection between the
several states of Europe, 141.
BIBLE, knowledge of, in the middle

ages, 74.

BOURBON, duke of, his desertion
from the French king to be pal-
liated, 182.

BURGESSES, rise of the order of, 97 ;
were favoured by the emperors,
ibid. ;
influence of the crusades,
111; their soaring spirit displayed
in their architectural monuments,
ibid.; founded a peculiar state in
the Hanseatic League, 126; their
characteristic excellencies, 157.

CESAR, indebted for victory at

Pharsalia to German tactics, 30;
by the multitude preferred to
Alexander, 173.

CALVINISM, compared with Luther-
anism, 235; was fertile in political
ideas, ibid.; favourable to the re-
publican spirit, ibid. ; its rejection
of the mysterious, 237; was fruit-
ful of new sects, 237, 238.
CARLOVINGIANS, their attachment
to religion, 64; their virtues here-
ditary, 65; rise of their dynasty,
ibid.; their heroism, 66; pro-
tected popular rights, 69; adhered
to the use of the Frankish language,
71; rise of their dynasty a national
reaction, ibid.

CHARLEMAGNE, his heroic ancestry,
66, 67; his conquests, 67; his
wars and military capacity, 67,
69; cruel treatment of the Saxons,
67; the Rhenish provinces the
centre of his monarchy, 68; the
high civilization of the Rhine land

INDEX.

due to him, ibid.; the subjugation
of the Saxons indispensable, ibid. ;
compared with Alfred, 69; effects
of.his legislation, 70, 81; the idea
of the empire derived from him,
70; his intercourse with Alcuin
and other scholars, ibid.; his at-
tention to learning and art, ibid. ;
his encouragement of the German
language and poetry, ibid.; his
predilection for Germany, 71; was
himself a subject of poetry, 78;
singular conception of, by the
Norman poets, ibid. ; causes of the
short duration of his empire, ibid. ;
character of his successors, ibid.
his partition of the empire, 78, 79;
law of succession
among the
Franks, 79; causes of the dissolu-
tion of his empire, 79, 80; his-
torical insignificance of his pos-
terity, 80; his generous policy,
84; his relations with the Roman
see,
87.
CHARLES THE BOLD, effect of his
career on Europe, 144; his cha-
racter, ibid.; his projected Bur-
gundian kingdom, ibid.
CHARLES IV. (the emperor), his
policy erroneous, 123; his imperial
constitution arbitrary, 124; his
reign fatal to the imperial dignity
and injurious to Germany, 124,
140; his protection of the Scla-
vonic races, 124; his reign bene-
ficial to Bohemia, ibid.; his mo-
ral and intellectual character, ibid.
CHARLES V., age of, forms an histo-

rical epoch, 139; origin of great
historical events, ibid.; modes of
human progress, ibid.; simulta-
neous unfolding of the moral and
intellectual powers of Europe, 140;
relations of Charles V. to his own
times, ibid.; Charles V., the em-
peror, the people and nobility de-
voted to him, 168; the attach-
ment of the princes doubtful, ibid.;
his facilities for acquiring absolute
power, ibid.; enterprizes of Sick-

407

ingen, ibid.; his efforts to restore
religious unity, 171; his anticipa-
tion of the evils of the Reforma-
tion, 172; right motives of action,
ibid.; men of great ideas seldom
appreciated, 173; his merits un-
derrated, 174; difficulty of judg-
ing him, ibid.; his boyhood and
youth, ibid.; his instructors,
Adrian and Chièvres, ibid.; his
character in youth, 175; his per-
sonal appearance, ibid.; state of
Spain at his accession, ibid.; perils
besetting his government, ibid. ;
his treatment of Ximenes, 176;
his self-reliance only gradually
developed, ibid.; his resolution to
repair to Germany, ibid.; import-
ance of his election as emperor,
ibid.; critical state of Europe, 177;
acquisition of Mexico, ibid.; de-
velopment of his character and
intellect, ibid.; his anxiety to re-
store the lustre of the imperial
dignity, ibid.; investigates the
new doctrines, 178; upholds the
ancient faith, ibid.; his sense of
justice, ibid.; his view of the du-
ties of an emperor, ibid.; the fa-
cility of augmenting his power,
179; his reverence for vested rights,
ibid.; hostility and secret intrigues
of Francis I., 180; invasion of
Navarre by the French, ibid.;
suppression of the Spanish revolt,
ibid.; was the real founder of
Spanish greatness, ibid.; his in-
fluence on the Spanish nobles, 181;
he upholds the free constitution of
the Spanish cities, ibid. ; his love
for Spain, ibid.; the great men he
encompassed himself with, 181,
182; parallel with Francis I.,
182; the acquisition of Bourbon
and of Doria, ibid.; his error in
releasing Francis I., 183; the jus-
tice of his claims on Burgundy,
ibid.; his desire of peace with
France, 184; family alliances be-
tween the French and Austrian
houses, ibid.; his mode of carry-

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