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“ a second asylum” (p. 29), and that, generally speaking, there may have been “more than one primitive land” (p. 28). We should prefer giving at once to one primitive land a greater extent, and not confining it within such narrow limits. It must also not be overlooked, into what wide regions of the earth one and the same name for vast moun. tains and countries, in the old world, was often applied and extended. The name of the Caucasus gives us an instance of this, so likewise of the Imaus, and lastly of Asia itself. If. therefore, the Himalaya and the Hindukush lie nearest the Indian (p. 24), and are especially named before all others in the Indian tradition ; if the Altai (p. 52) forms the pivot, as it were, for the first immigration of the North-Asiatic tribes, and the Ural designs the great, old national way (p. 53) to the west, that is, to northern and central Europe ; so Moses also ought not to be passed over with such indifference, because he makes the patriarch Noah rest with the ark on Mount Ararat. Each tradition, as we see, refers on the whole but to one and the same central higb land, and to one primeval Asiatic mountain-chain, in all its wide ramifications. If Anquetil's opinion were the right one, which places Eeriene at the foot of the Albordi, in the land that is watered by the Kur and Araxes, the declaration of the Zendavesta, according to this interpretation, would then agree very closely with that of Moses. From what was quoted and examined into further back, this explanation relative to Eeriene cannot well be admitted ; but' an agreement so very accurate and precise is neither to be expected nor songht for in this case. Nevertheless, where the explaining of ancient geography is coupled with so much doubt, and where the best opinion is for the most part only the more probable one, this ought to make us diffident, and not too eager, for the sake of a preconceived opinion, to reject any old Asiatic tradition, how much less, then, the Mosaic document.

With this remark we conclude this communication respecting the work of the author. It has, perhaps, been too lengthily drawn up. Should I have succeeded in producing a conviction in his mind, that Moses and the Genesis may be, after all, regarded also in another and different point of view from what he has hitherto done, I should rejoice, if my expectations on this score should be not deceived, or be even surpassed. In every case my design was to examine thoroughly and seriously, excluding all partiality from the primitively-historical inquiry; to show, also, that what is only too frequently represented as entirely separate or even contradictory, when rightly understood, agrees perfectly well together. Lastly, it is indeed high time that the two witnesses of the living truth and clear knowledge of antiquity, viz. “ writ and nature,” should no longer be used and misused in mutual opposition, that they should lie, dead for all more exalted knowledge, neglected in the lane, abandoned to the scorn of ignorant understanding. The moment has visibly arrived when they shall rise again victoriously, as loud witnesses of the divine truth so long misunderstood, to the greater and ever greater glorification of that truth both in science and in life. It is doing but a sorry service to religion, or rather to both, when we put religion in opposition to science, to which this esoterical branch of history also so essentially belongs. Now if, in this first attempt at a profounder understanding of this subject, much should be still found that will be, perhaps, “a stumbling-block to the Jews, and to the Greeks a foolishness," as all that is conceived in a Christian manner with science for the most part is, I nevertheless know that this way, which I have attempted to point out here, will be more and more recognized, and . more universally perfected, because it is the right one.


ALBERT (the Emperor), his love of ARCHITECTURE, influence of the

justice, 122 ; his treatment of the crusades on, 111, 112.
Swiss, ibid. ; his death a misfor- ARCHITECTURE, Gothic, rise of, 112;
tune for Germany, ibid. ; his at- its chief characteristics, ibid. ; its
tachment to the church, 148 ; his peculiarly Germanic origin, ibid.
policy favourable to the cities, 152.

ARMINIUS, the type of his age, 40;
ALBERTUS MAGNUS, his intellectual

his noble character, 40, 42 ; his
powers and rare learning, 115 ; his

success in war, 41; his familiarity
orthodoxy, ibid.

with Roman civilization, ibid. ; his
Alcuin, his friendship with Charle patriotism, ibid. ; his domestic
magne, 70.

policy, 42 ; the hatred of his kind.

red, ibid. ; the ingratitude of his
ALEXANDER THE Great, charac-
teristics of his genius, 9; his love

countrymen, ibid. ; his fame after

death, 43 ; vast historical conse-
of the Oriental, ibid. ; his leading

quences of his deeds, ibid. ; cele-
idea, ibid. s his resemblance to the

brated in a poem of Klopstock's,
heroes of the middle age, 107. I ibid.
Alfred, superiority of, to his age, ARNOLD OF BRESCIA, his revolu-

69 ; his moral qualities, ibid. ; com- tionary philosophy, 115 ; his su-

pared with Charlemagne, ibid. periority to later heretics, ibid.
Alva, Duke of, his character, 219; Arts, the fine, their relation with

his earlier career glorious, 220; history,1,2; the useful, when bene-
his cruelty in old age, ibid.

ficial to man, 22, 117.
Anglo-Saxons, their policy supe-Attila, bis personal disposition, 55,

rior to that of the Franks, 68; 57; his wars desolating, 55 ; his
their conversion to Christianity, personal appearance, 57 ; vast ex-
69; their high intollectual culture, tent of his kingdom, ibid. ; his
ibid. ; vast services of their mis hatred against the Romans, ibid. ;
sionaries, ibid. ; their constitution, nature of his power personal, 58 ;

used the Gothic language, ibid. ;
ARABS, their influence on the West

attempted to root out the Latin,
limited, 112, 113; their high na-

59; career of, a frequent subject
tional character, 113; the influence

of Gothic poetry, 74.
of Mahomet ; historical results of Austria, province of, was peopled
Mabommedanism, 114, 115. by Gothic tribes, 91 ; prosperity
of, under the Othos, ibid. ; acqui-l consequences of, 10; predominant
sition of by Rodolph of Haps in the eighteenth century, 281 ;
burg, 120.

necessarily destroys itself, ibid. ;

principle of inculcation second only
AUSTRIA, as a federal state, its

to that of perfect justice, ibid.
historical importance, 126; was
founded by Rodolph of Haps. Basil, council of, contributed to
burg, ibid. ; its excellent race of revive the connection between the
princes, 127, 143 ; acquisition of several states of Europe, 141.
Luxemburg, 142 ; union with Bible, knowledge of, in the middle
Hungary, 143 ; permanent annex - ages, 74.
ation of the imperial dignity, ibid. ;
aggrandized by the victories of Bou

BOURBON, duke of, his desertion
the Swiss over Charles the Bold,

from the French king to be pal-
144 ; its influence on Europe com. |

I liated, 182.
pared with that of France and BURGESSES, rise of the order of, 97 ;
England, 193 ; was to remain a were favoured by the emperors,
federative state according to the ibid. ; influence of the crusades,
scheme of Charles V. ibid. ; the 11l; their soaring spirit displayed
excessive severity of the Spanish | in their architectural monuments,
branch, 223, 224; the excessive ibid. ; founded a peculiar state in
mildness of the German branch, the Hanseatic League, 126; their
one of the causes of the Thirty | characteristic excellencies, 157.
Years' War, 224; its happy alliance
with England, 271; basis of its
new policy, ibid. ; its national re- CÆSAR, indebted for victory at
vival after the Thirty Years' War, 1 Pharsalia to German tactics, 30;
ibid. ; Montecuculi and Eugene, 1 by the multitude preferred to
272, 274 ; military glories of Aus- Alexander, 173.
tria, 274 ; the early part of the CALVINISM, compared with Luther-
eighteenth century, its glorious anism, 235 ; was fertile in political
epoch, 282; its European functions,

ideas, ibid. ; favourable to the re-
ibid. ; its separation from England,

publican spirit, ibid. ; its rejection

of the mysterious, 237 ; was fruit-
Austrian PRINCES, their principles

ful of new sects, 237, 238.
of government, 147; their love of CARLOVINGIANS, their attachment
peace, ibid. ; their attachment to to religion, 64 ; their virtues bere-
the church, ibid. ; their repug- ditary, 65 ; rise of their dynasty,
nance to despotism, 147, 152; ibid. ; their heroism, 66 ; pro-
their political ideal, 148; their tected popular rights, 69; adhered
reverence for national rights, 152 ; | to the use of the Frankish language,
their view of the imperial consti 71; rise of their dynasty a national
tution, ibid. ; their misfortunes and reaction, ibid.
constancy, ibid. ; they best upheld c,

CHARLEMAGNE, his heroic ancestry,
the constitution of the middle
ages, 155, 156 ; their love of peace

66, 67; his conquests, 67 ; his
with France carried to excess, 190.

wars and military capacity, 67,
69 ; cruel treatment of the Saxons,

67; the Rhenish provinces the
BALANCE of power, system of, among centre of his monarchy, 68; the

the Græco-Macedonian states, 9;l high civilization of the Rhine land

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due to him, ibid. ; the subjugation
of the Saxons indispensable, ibid. ;
compared with Alfred, 69; effects
of.his legislation, 70, 81 ; the idea
of the empire derived from him,
70; bis intercourse with Alcuin
and other scholars, ibid. ; his at-|
tention to learning and art, ibid. ;
his encouragement of the German
language and poetry, ibid. ; his
predilection for Germany, 71; was
himself a subject of poetry, 78;.
singular conception of, by the
Norman poets, ibid. ; causes of the
short duration of his empire, ibid. ;
character of his successors, ibid. ;
his partition of the empire, 78, 79;
law of succession among the
Franks, 79; causes of the dissolu-
tion of his empire, 79, 80; his-
torical insignificance of his pos- |
terity, 80; his generous policy,
84 ; his relations with the Roman

see, 87.
CHARLES THE BOLD, effect of his

career on Europe, 144 ; his cha-
racter, ibid. ; his projected Bur-!

gundian kingdom, ibid.
CHARLES IV. (the emperor), his;

policy erroneous, 123 ; his imperial
constitution arbitrary, 124; bis
reign fatal to the imperial dignity
and injurious to Germany, 124,
140 ; bis protection of the Scla-
vonic races, 124 ; his reign bene-
ficial to Bohemia, ibid. ; his mo-

ral and intellectual character, ibid.
CHARLES V., age of, forms an histo-1

rical epoch, 139; origin of great
historical events, ibid. ; modes of
human progress, ibid. ; simulta-|
neous unfolding of the moral and
intellectual powers of Europe, 140 ;]
relations of Charles V. to his own
times, ibid. ; Charles V., the em-
peror, the people and nobility de.
voted to him, 168 ; the attach-
ment of the princes doubtful, ibid. ; ||
his facilities for acquiring absolute
power, ibid. ; enterprizes of Sick.!

ingen, ibid. ; his efforts to restore
religious unity, 171; his anticipa-
tion of the evils of the Reforma-
tion, 172; right motives of action,
ibid. ; men of great ideas seldom
appreciated, 173 ; his merits un-
derrated, 174; difficulty of judg-
ing him, ibid. ; his boyhood and
youth, ibid. ; his instructors,
Adrian and Chièvres, ibid. ; his
character in youth, 175; bis per-
sonal appearance, ibid. ; state of
Spain at his accession, ibid. ; perils
besetting his government, ibid. ;
his treatment of Ximenes, 176 ;
his self-reliance only gradually
developed, ibid. ; his resolution to
repair to Germany, ibid. ; import-
ance of his election as emperor,
ibid. ; critical state of Europe, 177;
acquisition of Mexico, ibid. ; de-
velopment of his character and
intellect, ibid. ; his anxiety to re-
store the lustre of the imperial
dignity, ibid. ; investigates the
new doctrines, 178; upholds the
ancient faith, ibid. ; his sense of
justice, ibid. ; his view of the du-
ties of an emperor, ibid.; the fa-
cility of augmenting his power,
179, his reverence for vested rights,
ibid. ; hostility and secret intrigues
of Francis I., 180; invasion of
Navarre by the French, ibid. ;
suppression of the Spanish revolt,
ibid. ; was the real founder of
Spanish greatness, ibid. ; his in-
fluence on the Spanish nobles, 181;
he upholds the free constitution of
the Spanish cities, ibid. ; his love
for Spain, ibid. ; the great men he
encompassed himself with, 181,
182 ; parallel with Francis I.,
182; the acquisition of Bourbon
and of Doria, ibid. ; his error in
releasing Francis I., 183; the jus-
tice of his claims on Burgundy,
ibid. ; his desire of peace with
France, 184; family alliances be-
tween the French and Austrian
houses, ibid. ; bis mode of carry-

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