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of absurdity to lumber up the decks of so fine a ship | keelson of the same size, that has been built even for with such stuff. Those ships were sharper, and did not the express purpose alone of carrying. carry as many bales of cotton as the packets of 1838, in The Oxford, Cambridge and Burgundy, and all the proportion to their tonnage, though a bale of cotton is ships of the "Dramatic Line" have deep keels, enormuch larger now than it was then; its size having in-mous keelsons, flat bottoms, and a large hanging knee creased in the ratio of four to three. In 1822, the under each beam. Their timbers are not so large, perfreight going, was to the freight returning, as seven to haps, as the timbers in the old packets; but the differeight; the usual amount of freight from Liverpool ence in this respect is fully compensated by their imbeing about £800, and from New York £700. Until proved models, by the increased thickness of the plankthe present time freights from Liverpool have alwaysing and ceiling, and by improved methods in fastening. been higher than from New York. In no one instance All of these, models sail nearly on an even keel, trimdid the freights ever exceed £1400, till 1834-5, and sub-ming perhaps five or six inches by the stern. The " opposition" between the "Black Ball" and "Dramatic Line" is very active. Coming and going, they steam to sea, and steam into port, and steam wherever a steamer can be had. They are said sometimes to have thirty or forty men before the mast, and to carry watering engines to wet their sails in dry weather and moderate breezes. Such competition is but the incentive to ingenuity, and leads on to improvement.

sequently.

The packets of the "Dramatic Line," (a new line to Liverpool, in opposition to the old, or "Black Ball Line,") have no cabin below, but a long poop cabin, reaching nearly to the mainmast. Old sailors are against all such innovations. But, notwithstanding, experiment has proven this to be an excellent arrangement; for, without affecting a ship's sailing, her safety, or her behavior as a seaboat, it gives her the advantage of a larger cargo, secures it more effectually from Speaking of the improvements introduced of late damage, and protects the passengers from the "ship's years in the packets, a gentleman in New York, who is smell" and other odors compounded of sulphur, hydro-now and has been in the packet business from its comgen, and all the “what nots” of a ship's hold, which mencement, (for many years himself a master,) writes are so offensive to "petticoats" and invalids. as follows:

The difference between the packets of 1818 and 1838, "During my being in the line, from 1822 to 1832, I most obvious to landsmen, may be found in the size do not think the models of the ships were much chanand cabins of the latter. The size, in some instances, ged; but they were increased much in size. The geneis more than treble, and in all, the cabins are more com-ral impression then among merchants, and even among modious, and much more extravagantly furnished and nautical men was, that to produce fast sailing it was nefound. Barn-yards, cow-houses, soda-fountains, ice-cessary to build the ships with sharp bottoms, by giving houses and the like, are as indispensable to the packets now, as a jib was to Van Tromp.*

For a long time, the chief object of English merchant builders seems to have been (not to mention the effect of the old absurd way of measuring tonnage,) to construct ships with a view alone to their carrying, regardless of their beauty or sailing. Whereas, the ship builder on this side of the water, has made these the very elements by which he constructs his model, and lays out in such admirable proportions the length, breadth, and depth of his ship.

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Were packets of 700 or 800 tons to be built now on the model of the Amity, or any of her sister ships, known as the old packets, they would draw eighteen feet water or more; they would not carry as much as the packets now do by at least one-fourth. The "Oxford's" register is 752 tons; her usual draft of water, when going to sea, is fifteen feet: never more than sixteen feet. She draws less water, and carries five or ten per cent. more cargo to her tonnage than the "Independence," and is said to out-sail even that celebrated "liner," except in light winds and smooth water. She will carry more cargo to her tonnage than almost any other vessel of the same depth of hold, and with knees, beams, and

We have not within our reach the means of ascertaining the cost of the first Liverpool packet, but it is not probable that it exceeded $20,000. The recently built packets cost from $75,000 to $80,000. Until within a very few years, after a packet had been strained by running, it was customary to take her out of the line, and sell her to the whalers of Nantucket and New Bedford. We have seen many such "blubber hunting" in the Pacific. Thus vessels which were thought no longer safe, or

them much dead rise, and consequently abridging their carrying qualities. It has been found, however, that our predecessors were altogether mistaken in their notions of gaining speed by dead rise: it has such a tendency to increase the draft of water, as to produce no speed. It was no uncommon occurrence for a ship of 400 tons to have, in those days, twenty-six inches dead rise. The present models are altogether changed. Our largest ship, say the Cambridge, has about seventeen inches dead rise, and were I to build again I would reduce it to twelve inches. The effect of this is to give buoyancy; and with fine ends so as to secure good steering, the ship will evidently go faster through the water. I should not be surprised if this model were to be adopted for vessels of war.

"The packets that have been built during the last few years, are much greater carriers than those formerly built. They are not only larger, but much fuller bodied, caused by less dead rise; preserving, however, the same sharpness at each end, and are much faster sailers, more comfortable, have less motion, and are much better sea-boats.

"I do not think their timbers so large in proportion, taking into consideration their increased burden and ability, from their peculiar model, to carry much more weight in proportion, without being deep, as ships built ten or fifteen years ago. I have talked much with the builders upon this point, but their defence is (and very justly) the increased fastening-increased number of knees, and much larger-wider keel and keelson-more breast hooks-solid bulwarks about the

capable of running express on the Atlantic, were found admira-bows-heavy clamps and bilge pieces-and thicker bly adapted for the perilous voyage of the whaler.

plank, both for the outside and ceiling, altogether VOL. V.-2

more than compensates for the deficiency in scantling; | tude 54° 48, she would be steering E., and when she and another consideration is, that the present model made Liverpool, her course would be E. by S. S. labors and strains less in a heavy sea, than the former ones."

It is unnecessary to add, that every new packet presents some improvement over its predecessor; and that they are always among the first to take hold of any new contrivance, by which power, space, time, or economy is gained.

As in ship building and improvements in the economy of ships, so the packets, if not before, are certainly not a whit behind public vessels in the use of the best and most improved nautical instruments. The day has not long been gone by when chronometers were a mystery in the navy, and midshipmen were told that longitude was a secret with which they had nothing to do. But those times are history, and we hope a brighter era is dawning upon the navy. By a wonderful stretch of liberality, vessels of war are now allowed to have libraries on board, (if a row of twenty or thirty works may be called a library,) and the library of one ship is a duplicate of all the rest. By this judicious arrangement, all ships are furnished with copies of the same books, just as every boatswain's store-room is with the same sized blocks, number of coils of "two inch stuff," &c. When these wear out, they are replaced by duplicates, so that the libraries contain the same works now they did twenty years ago.

"Barometers and chronometers," says a well known packet captain, "were used in 1818, when I first entered the line. I also used a sympiesometer for the last ten years, and have the highest opinion of its utility, preferring it to the barometer." Barometers are to be found on board some of the publie vessels: sympiesometers in none. We are credibly informed, that the only two of these useful little instruments in the navy, belong to the Exploring Expedition.

The shortest distance between Sandy Hook and Liverpool, is 2887 nautical miles-not allowing for the oblateness of the earth as a spheroid-which would make the distance a little less. The shortest line that can be drawn between the two places is represented on the annexed chart, by the dotted curve B, passing from Sandy Hook through New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Ireland, to Liverpool. But the route traced by this curve is of course impracticable to the navigator, and therefore that is his nearest route which admits of the least deviation from this curve.

If it be borne in mind that the shortest distance, between any two places on the surface of a sphere, is the arc of the great circle intercepted between them, it will appear obvious to our mathematical readers, why the course or line of bearing between them is circuitous, and therefore is not the shortest distance.

The distance by such a route would be one hundred and eleven nautical, or one hundred and twenty-eight, statute miles less than the distance on the line of bearing.

To illustrate more strikingly: a degree of longitude on the latitudinal parallel, say, of 70° South, is 201 miles. Suppose a vessel in longitude 00 on this parallel, to be bound to longitude, 1800 on the same parallel ; if she sail but one course, she must steer either east or west, and sail three thousand six hundred and ninety miles. But if she could sail on the meridian of the place by steering south, passing over the pole, then steering north, and thus describe an arc of a great circle, she would arrive at her point of destination after having sailed only two thousand four hundred instead of three thousand six hundred and ninety miles.

The packets, with which time is speed, distance, wind, and everything, have given this principle in the science of navigation a value which the navigator hitherto has seldom allowed to enter into his calculations of " 'course and distance." Steamboats can better avail themselves of it, and no doubt will render it an element in calculation, whenever the chart shall be spread for the course to be laid out upon it. The boat which shall shape her course always on the arc of a great circle, will thus, without any advantage of speed, accident, or fortune, in her favor, gain four per cent. of the distance between New York and Liverpool, over her competitors, that shall not take into account the difference between distance by a certain curve and by a straight line on the chart. To exemplify this, we have marked off the track of the Great Western on her trip to New York in April. It appears by her “log,” that of the fifteen days passage to New York, she had but three days of easterly wind; and that she sailed on this route three thousand two hundred and twenty-three miles. Whereas, after having taken "departure," if, instead of standing to the southward and westward, she had steered to the northward and westward so as to make Cape Clear; then keeping on, or to the north of the curve C, she had made Sable island, and shaped her course thence by the south shoal of Nantucket, she would have shortened her distance two hundred and sixty miles, and might have arrived in New York at least a day and a half sooner: the distance from Bristol by this route being only two thousand nine hundred and sixty-four miles, instead of three thousand two hundred and twenty-three.

The average time for packet passage between New York and Liverpool is twenty-three days going, and thirty-five coming; while between New York and Havre it is twenty-four out and forty-four in. Havre is but one hundred and forty-five miles further than Liverpool: the distance from New York to each being

When a vessel sails on a direct line of bearing from one place to another, (unless both places be on the equator, or on the same meridian,) she describes a sec-measured on the ares of great circles. But owing to tion of a loxodromic curve, which may be defined as a obstruction, by the interposition of land on the shortest spiral that makes constant angles with all meridians. line, the difference between the distances practical in But when she sails on the arc of a great circle, and per- navigation is less than one hundred and forty-five miles. forms the shortest distance, she continually changes her Yet this excess of distance, while it requires only one course, and passes over every meridian at different an- more day on the passage out, prolongs the homeward gles. Thus, a vessel which should sail the shortest route bound passage nine days! A cause which, of itself, is from Sandy Hook to Liverpool, would leave Sandy by no means adequate to such an effect. The expla Hook by steering N. E. E. When she reached lati-nation must be sought elsewhere; and we think it

may be found in the route pursued by the Havre pack- the North channel; the distance from Liverpool to ets on their inward bound passage. Sable island, and consequently to New York, through Ships from the north of Europe or from Havre are the North channel, being only twenty-five miles greater too apt, when they come out of the English channel | than the distance to the same points by the south coast with a leading wind, to shape their course by the line of Ireland. Besides the advantage which she derives, of bearing of their homeward bound port; when no by thus making a fair wind of a head one, she has the vessel coming out of the English channel should ever additional advantage of being further to the north, and be found to the south of the dotted curve D; no odds consequently more chances of meeting with favorable what be her port of destination in the United States, whe- winds. ther in Maine or Georgia, or any of the intermediate states, she has no business to the south or east of this line, unless she be driven there by adverse winds.

The doctrine, that a vessel bound from Havre de Grace in latitude 49° 30′ to Charleston in latitude 32° 50, and longitude 79° 48′, should not only go further to the north than her "departure," but actually continue to the north of it, until she has made 32o of longitude, will, we are aware, appear paradoxical to many old sailors: but the route to the north of this line to New York presents two advantages over what is called the “southern route ;" for by the latter the distance is not only greatly increased, but the passage is frequently prolonged in consequence of head winds and calms.

The probabilities of a quick passage to New York, for a vessel sailing out of Havre or Liverpool with a head wind, are greatly increased by her standing off on the larboard tack, after she has cleared the land; even should the wind be so as to allow her to lay up on the starboard tack two or three points nearer to the direct line of bearing of her port, the other tack is to be preferred on account of distance, and the probability of favorable winds. The northern should be preferred as the homeward passage at all seasons of the year, unless with a leading breeze, except perhaps in April, May and June, when the winter has broken up, and so made the route dangerous on account of icebergs and floating fields of ice.

The prevalent winds across the Atlantic, from the By an inspection of the annexed chart, it will be seen parallel of latitude 45° or 50°, to the northern limits of that the gulf stream describes in its course almost exthe "trades," are westerly, while above this parallel to actly the section of a great circle, such as the dotted the north, they are more variable and less constant from curve D represents; and that all vessels bound out of the west. The converse of this is eminently the case in Boston, or any port from the south of it, to England or high southern latitudes. The experience of all naviga-to Europe, must pass to the south of Sable island, on tors in the southern seas goes to confirm the fact, that account of the obstacles and dangers to the north of it. while for many degrees beyond the southern limits of And furthermore, (the dotted curve D showing the the south-east trades, the prevalent winds have westing shortest distance between any point on it and the Gulf in them, to the south of these the winds blow almost of Florida,) that the nearest route for all vessels coming constantly from the east. The westerly winds that out of the Gulf of Mexico, through the Gulf of Florimost prevail to the south of the parallel of 45o or 50°, da, or from any port on the Atlantic coast of the United of north latitude, are no doubt counter-currents in the States, and bound to England, or to France on the Atatmosphere, by which the breezes, that have once served lantic, or anywhere through the English channel, to the to sweep the north-east trades along, are returned in north of Europe, is down the gulf stream, and to the eddies, to be ready in their turn to serve again as west and north of this curve. "trades." Consequently, if a vessel from Havre bound to New York keep to the north of her course, she is the more likely to meet with favorable winds.

If vessels could sail on any course without regard to wind, this curve would represent the extreme eastern and southern limits of navigation for all traders (alThe Liverpool packets in their northern passage do ways excepting those to the Peninsula or Mediterrathis, and although they have with regard to the dis-nean,) bound from the United States, or coming out tance to be sailed, but six or eight hours in their favor, through the Gulf of Florida, to England and all parts they make a difference, in the average time of passage, of Europe. The tracks of all vessels in the navigation of nine days; and they gain by the northern passage in of this route, would be convergent as far as the longithree ways, viz: in distance, in wind, and in currents. tude of Sable island; entering into the narrow limits The set of the gulf stream is said to reach into the Bay between this island and the curve D, as into a lock, of Biscay. The Liverpool packet, on her northern pas- their course would lie between C and D, which may be sage, avoids the effect of this, (however feeble,) while considered as a grand canal across the Atlantic, along the Havre packet, on her southern passage, encounters which the richest products of the earth are carried. the full force of it. The "log" of the "Great Western" This at all times is the best route for steamers. shows that in her first trip, (the track of which is laid The curve C represents the northern, and D the down on the annexed chart,) she encountered south-southern limits of this commercial canal. New York easterly currents, which in the whole distance set her is situated on the margin of it, commanding its resources, back one hundred and seventy-five miles.*

When the Liverpool packet puts to sea with the wind from the south or south-west, she should straightway make a fair wind of it, by running out through

The log shows that sometimes her latitude and longitude,

per observation, are in advance of the "dead reckoning," and

vice versa. When these two, without any apparent cause, are found to differ much, such difference is usually ascribed by navigators to currents.

and exacting tribute from all who travel upon it. The ships from the South, without going much out of their way to the great European markets, can call there as at a nearer market; or touch there to complete, tranship, or commute their cargoes.

It is not a little remarkable, that the nearest route to Liverpool, from Charleston and from New York, should be, for more than two-thirds of the way, exactly in the same track on the curve C. And Charleston, or the

South, in attempting to force a direct trade with Europe, has many difficulties in her way. The advantage of ships, of seamen, the force of custom, and the example of trade, besides exchanges, and the various influences that follow in the train of commerce, with commerce herself, are all in favor of New York.

Those who first established the packets, have placed New York on a commercial eminence, and put a sceptre in her hand, which she delights to hold; and she will neither come down from the one, nor surrender the other, until the balance of trade be lost to her ships. The plying of steamboats across the Atlantic will but make more absolute her sway over the commerce of the United States; for, besides making New York the channel of direct communication with England, both by letter and in person, they will further aggrandize that city in her commercial importance by bringing bills on America into the English market, and setting on foot a regu lar system of exchange with this country, similar to that between England and all parts of Europe. And New York will be the centre of negociation for all these bills.

If the South would take away this sceptre and divide commerce with the North, she must be prodigal of her wealth, and attempt boldly-for the odds against her are fearful. The contest now cannot be carried on under sail, ship against ship; New York has become too skilful in the manœuvres of her fleets-too powerful and too swift in the chase with her packets. She must be attacked in her high places, and steam must be the weapon.

Havre is ripe for a steam enterprise across the Atlantic. That town is ready to co-operate with any city in the Union, and no doubt would receive with open arms, a proposition from the South, to run from Norfolk a line of steam packets, which, going and coming, might touch at Portsmouth, as the London packets do, to land and embark passengers. It may be perceived by the chart, that Portsmouth is but a step out of the direct track of a steamer to Havre; and that, by steam, Norfolk is only one hundred and eighty miles further than New York, from either place. But whatever be done, must be done quickly. Without the help of steam, and the improvements of the day, the commerce of the South must continue to dwindle.

The South has taken an honorable lead in Atlantie steam navigation. She it was, who, twenty years ago, sent the first steam vessel across the Atlantic, and thus acted as pioneer to the splendid steam enterprise which is now going into operation with a success that astonishes as much those in the old as it delights those of the new world.

Let the South bring her strong men to the enterprise, and get up, as we have said, her line of splendid steamers to England and France; and let the first blow be aimed to divide with New York the facilities of communication; and then withdraw from her, if she can, a part of the travel, and make the port of Norfolk the centre of exchange for New Orleans and the South. When she has done this, let her throw herself behind her cotton bags, and then with her ships make the gallant stand. And if, after all this, the proud spirit must succumb-if the South must sink into her, so called, vassalage to the North, and be ruined by her tribute to New York, her sons may say of her, as Wirt said of the General Armstrong privateer, "she has graced her fall, and made her ruin glorious."

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II.

But, hark! it is a funeral chime,— The passing moments now have led The youngest child of father Time,

And laid him with the buried dead: And who will stand upon the verge Of that deep grave to sing his dirge!

III.

Midnight! it is that fearful hour,

When, as we learn by nursery lore, Spirits malign exert their power,

And walk our slumbering planet o'er: Dark superstition stoops to hear

Their steps, and quakes with restless fear.

IV.

It is a pleasant hour to think,

When all around is calm and still; The musing spirit then may drink

At thought's unfailing fount, its fillAll nature breathes a harmony That sets the captive spirit free.

Our quiet village wrapt in sleep,

From its still breast gives not a breath, To tell of those who vigils keep

But all is calm and still as death. The breeze, as it sweeps gently by, Whispers a mournful lullaby.

VI.

How many a young heart beating there,
In airy dreams of pleasure roves,
And freed from waking pain and care,
Hovers around the form it loves;
Beauty's bright eyes are sealed in sleep,
While Loves around their watching keep.

VII.

Yon mountain range, with lofty top,
Throwing its girdle round our earth;
The pensive moon, in fullness up,—

To what sweet thoughts do these give birth! "The milky baldric of the sky,"

Can constant themes of thought supply.

*

Carlisle, Pa., 1839.

THE SPECTRE HORSEMAN,

OF BOSTON.

The evening before the battle of Lexington a strange horseman galloped through the streets of Boston, crying "Woe, woe! To arms! to arms!"

Slow sinks the sun o'er Brighton's blooming hills, And tints with fire the trees-with gold the rills; And while the last faint ray of mellow light Rests on the gray-hair'd mountain's loftier height, Peals o'er the deep the hoarse-ton'd evening gun, And loud proclaims the busy day is done. Now England's banner on the rampart falls, And bugles echo 'mid the fortress walls; While round the flag-staff willing soldiers come, To speak their presence to the empty drum; And now the last wild strain of martial fife, Has rolled away the scrried rank of life.

On yonder common, Boston's noble boast,
Slept on their arms the ever watchful host;
And round the lines the weary sentry trod,
And thought of home or held commune with God;
While polar fires lit up the northern sphere,
And glanced on snowy tent and gilded spear.
Night came apace, with darkness deep and long,
And wrapt the city's spires and busy throng;
In dreadful gloom the streets and alleys slept,
Through which the lone civilian cautious crept;
While loud and clear the old North's steeple told
The note of time-the night was getting old.

And now the moon, slow rising o'er the wave,
A silver softness to the scenery gave:

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Bright glowed the spires-the bay in beauty shone ;
The waves, the set-the isle, the jewel stone-
The dark old man-of-war, a genii king-

The floating skiff, an angel's flashing wing.

The lordly Gage, upon his couch of gold,
Like Montezuma, agonizing rolled;
Then starting up, and creeping like a mouse
Through the dark chambers of the Province House,

He stept upon the balcony that hung
Above the Royal Arms-when I was young.

And there, his head inclining on his hand,
He mused destruction to a "rebel land."
Thus dreaming o'er the narrow court that lay,
In moonlight glorious as the noon of day,
He hears he starts-with terror in his eye-
What sound is that? what means that awful cry?

Along the street he hears the ring of steel,
As though the pavement felt a courser's heel.
"It is, it is, it nearer, louder comes;

"And there, the picquets beat their warning drums
"Who can it be? Such speed denotes surprise!
"Up! all who love me! Howe, Burgoyne, arise!"
Onward the horseman spurred his charger white:
Pale was his face-his burnished armor bright;

A waving plume of raven deck'd his crest,
And the pale moon flashed upon his breast;
While from his charger's steel-clad hoofs there rolled
The sparks of fire that speak the rider bold.

His look was brighter than the eagle's gaze-
And now before the balcony he stays,
And hollow rings his voice amid the night,
While round him glares a flood of dreadful light;
His morion up, his words come wild and clear,
And Gage in terror lends a trembling ear:
"On Bunker's Hill the weeping patriot stands,
And prays the God of battles for his shield;
The rude militia gather round their brands,

And seek to know their duty in the field:
The truant school-boy feels the holy fire,
And asks his rifle from his grey-hair'd sire.
"The blooming daughter bids her brother go
To free his country from a blighting foe;
The anxious mother o'er her husband bends,
And up to Heaven her prayer for safety sends;
The plough-boy leaves in furrowed field his team,
And e'en the sick man knows the patriot's dream.

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