The Republic was always engaged in long and bloody wars. The temple of Janus (as if in mourning for peace!) was closed only three times in the course of seven hundred years. The state made peace only with the vanquished, and resolved either to fall or to conquer other nations who, sometimes in war and sometimes in

education good citizens and soldiers. Where public | the tribunes, and each courted the decemvirs as his spirit, and not selfish ambition prevails, parties are not friend, and the only instrument to put down the oppoonly useful but necessary to a free government. Black- site party. stone contends (with what degree of truth I will not examine,) that the present liberties of Englishmen are no more than those which were enjoyed by the Saxons, under their old constitution. It is certain, however, that they were recovered, if not originally obtained, by a series of encroachments upon royal prerogative. And yet, who ever censured the mail-covered barons of Eng-peace, were never so ready to attack or so prepared to land for their factious resistance to the Norman kings? Let no one, then, be too hasty to blame the tumults and, the seditions of the people, since they secured and creased the threatened liberties of the Republic. But, if all that we have said be true-if the Republic were really so jealous of her liberty-why did she ever submit to a Dictator, and lodge in one man that power which she had so fearfully fought to keep in herself? Many persons who, in my opinion, do not sift this matter to the bottom, have said that the office of dictator opened the door to tyranny, and that there never would have been kings if there had not first been dictators. But, of all the admirable institutions which raised the Roman commonwealth to such unexampled grandeur, this must be ranked among the foremost. In every aspect in which it can be viewed, it bears the marks of that far-futuro imperio. It was here that the armies of the Reseeing policy which is built on a thorough knowledge of human nature. It was admirable in the mode of appointment, in the term of service, and in the exactness with which it served the purposes for which it was designed. The dictators were nominated by the consuls, who, from commanding, were reduced to obey, that they might feel no sense of disgrace, or have the least excuse to get up an excitement with the people. They could be dangerous to no state that was not already corrupted, and not a single one was duly appointed who did not some service to the state. Indeed, in every well-governed Republic, some extraordinary magistrate has always been needed to preserve it in great and unforeseen emergencies; as may be seen from the constitution of the Venitian Republic, from the conduct of the Dutch when they invaded England, and from the free constitution of England itself. For it is the power which is usurped, and not that which is conferred by the people, that is dangerous to their liberties.

defend. By the fights of the gladiators the people were accustomed to bloodshed and carnage, and by the exinercises of the Campus Martius were enabled to wield stronger weapons than those of any other nation. Their improvement both in civil and military affairs was never at a stop. They learned useful lessons equally from their own defeat and that of their enemies. Regarding the art of war as the spring of national greatness, they devoted every thought to its perfection. It was the soul, or rather, as a French historian has expressed it, the god which inspired the legion. Great generals, in their old age, walked down to the Campus Martius and taught the young men to poise the lance and throw the javelin. It was here that the census was taken and the lustrum performed-res saluberrimæ tanto

Neither does the creation of the decemvirs prove that the Republic was not jealous of her liberty, or that the people were disposed to recede from the ground for which they had fought nearly half a century. This is proved beyond doubt, by the occasion which brought about the office, and the means by which it was continued. It was an indiscreet surrender rather than a total abandonment of her liberty, and it was continued by the pretended justice and temporary moderation of the decemvirs themselves; by the report which was artfully whispered about, that there were two other tables besides the ten already examined, which would be wanting to the Roman law unless the decemvirs were chosen again; by the odium into which the consular office had fallen; and by the deceit of the decem virs themselves, whom you would not know whether to rank among the magistrates or the candidates. In fine, it was owing to an extravagant degree of liberty in the people, and an immoderate ambition in the nobility. The one wished to destroy the consuls, and the other

public often met before the beat of the drum, and finished a war the very night that it was begun. It was here that the consuls, flushed with the budding honors of a conquest or a triumph, kept up the discipline of the camp, without interfering with the duties of citizens. And it was here, that the youths of the Republic entered that school which fitted them for the noblest scenes and most thrilling deeds. Never was there a nation whose military operations were planned with so much prudence and carried on with so much activity. Never was there a people to whom peace was such a labor and war such a recreation.

Whenever hostilities were declared, a justitium was proclaimed. The shops were closed and business suspended. The eyes of the people were thus turned from their private concerns to the public danger, and the whole force of the nation brought into successful action. Hence their wars were short and decisive, and peace was restored almost as soon as it was broken. The soldiers received their pay from the plunder, and not from the public treasury. Their eagerness for the spoils, and the ambition of the consuls to gain the honors of a triumph, gave a spirit to their armies which nothing could resist and paved the way to universal empire. And thus war, which in other countries entails national debt and national misery, was at Rome a chief source of wealth and dominion.

We may observe further, in a few words, that the Republic followed these among many other rules of deep and simple policy.

1. As the soldiers were a part of the people, and not of a standing army; and as they received their pay from the plunder, and not from the public treasury; their numbers were greater in proportion to population, and their incentives to action keener, than those of any other nation, either ancient or modern.

2. The equal or nearly equal division of lands, gave each man an equal interest in the country, and made him a citizen and not a slave, a soldier and not a hireling.

4. They gave some of their conquered lands to their allies, and thus weakened their enemies and strengthened their friends.

5. When they were engaged in several wars at the same time, they made a truce with the weakest foe, who was generally very glad to put off his fate.

3. In times of the greatest prosperity, when public | might have been friends and fellow citizens. Such was affairs are usually neglected, the senate was more not the policy of the Roman Republic. Instead of the watchful than ever. harshness of victory, they relieved the anguish of defeat by acts of kindness and esteem. They received vanquished nations into the bosom of the state; conferred upon the common people the rights of citizenship, and enrolled their chief men among the Conscript fathers. Nothing was left undone to make them forget their misfortunes, and to remind them that they were a part of the Republic. If they had any customs better than those which the Republic already possessed, they were immediately adopted; and thus, while increasing the numbers, they improved the civil institutions of the Republic. It was the policy of Athens and Sparta to take away from their citizens the right of marriage and intercourse with foreigners, and hence these states were ever small Republics. But the Romans extended their limits both by soft and gentle means, and by force and

6. The senate dissembled the injuries, of every sort, which they received; and instead of punishing private individuals, reserved their vengeance for the whole nation.

7. They seldom made leagues; and when they wished to wage war, forced their enemy, or rather victim, to commit the first overt act of hostility.

8. Their treaties were only suspensions of war, and they attacked their foe on his strongest point; if rich, they exacted a tribute; if powerful at sea, they deman-violence. Roma interim crescit alba numero, expresses ded the destruction of his navy; and more particularly, when they made peace with a king, they exacted his brother, or other near relative, as a hostage-so that they might have it in their power to crush him or fell the liberties of his people.

much in a few words. If any colony were too unruly to be kept in order, emigrants were sent from the city to hold it in awe; and although these, in their turn, were sometimes rebellious, and became more attached to the place of their abode than that of their birth, yet they 9. Whenever two nations were at war, they took were, for the most part, faithful to the trust reposed in side either with the one or the other, and, like the knight-them, and contributed much to the grandeur of the Reerrants in the days of chivalry, never refused their as- public. In this country, one administration pulls down sistance to those who implored it. what the preceding has erected, and the state sometimes 10. Their constant maxim-which has since become advances, and as often recedes, from the goal of national a proverb--was, Divide and Conquer.

11. They never imposed their laws and customs upon conquered countries; but undermined their power s gradually, that they could not even fix the date of their destruction.

greatness. But the policy of Rome was permanent and uniform. It seldom changed; it never fluctuated. It was the same in the Republic and the Monarchy; and was pursued, with equal constancy and firmness, by the kings and consuls, from the foundation of the city down to the birth of our Savior.

These conquests would have been of little service to the state, if the vanquished nations had been subdued With conquered countries the Republic never took a only by arms and kept in subjection only by force. middle course. They either cut them off entirely, or Situated as these nations frequently were, at great dis-else treated them with frankness and kindness; and, as tances from each other, they would seize every oppor- we have said before, granted them the rights of citizentunity to throw off the yoke which was placed around ship. This policy Camillus speaks of very forcibly, in a their necks, and would never submit to slavery while report which he made to the Senate, after a victory over there was the least hope of liberty. There is no bold the Latins. "All Latium," said he, "is now in your and brave people that will long submit to dependence power. You can secure to yourselves a lasting peace and vassalage; and the greater the oppression of the with this country, either by pardoning or destroying it. mother country, the stouter will be the resistance of the Do you wish to punish them severely, captives and colonists. It may be concealed or repressed for a time; prisoners as they are ?--You are at liberty to lay waste it may ever be lulled asleep by temporary kindness and all their lands, and plunder all their towns. Or, had you deceitful promises; but the smart of ruthless wrong will rather enlarge the empire after the manner of our ances tingle in every vein, and the smoother the surface, and tors, by receiving the vanquished into the state?--You the longer the train is preparing, the more terrible will have a noble opportunity of treading in their paths, with be the explosion at last. William the Conqueror, treat-great glory and profit to yourselves." Illorum animos ed the Saxons like slaves, and not like subjects. He dum exspectatione stupent, seu pœna seu beneficio præ occuderided their customs, abolished their language, degra- pari oportet. A nation that has fallen in defence of its ded their nobility, increased their taxes, stripped them liberties, will expect that treatment which a people of their possessions and turned a deaf ear to grievances ought to receive, who deserve, though they do not of his own infliction. Hence the Normans and Saxons enjoy, their freedom. If treated well, they will behave were forever two distinct races of men; nothing could dutifully-if ill, they will seek the very first opportu equal the insolence and oppression of the one, or the nity to free themselves, and vex their masters. No stout resistance and surly independence of the other. person-certainly no nation-will lead a life that is A government which might have been supported by grievous to them any longer than they are forced to do moderation, was made odious by oppression; and con- so, or faithfully observe the terms of a treaty to which tempt on the part of the victors, and deep resentment they did not yield of their own free will. The Repubon the part of the vanquished, were the bitter feelings lic thus prevented the rebellions which are incident to which widened a breach already too broad, and, for an a growing empire; and by a policy deep in its conincredible length of time, made enemies of men who ception and unrivalled in its success, made every

victory a stepping-stone to new and still greater conquests.

Now, with regard to these conquests, there is one thing of moment to observe,--that the colonists were never allowed to defend themselves. And for this, two reasons may be given. 1. It taught the colonists to look to the Republic for support and defence; and 2. It prevented them from acquiring that skill in the art of war, and from feeling their own strength on the field of battle. And as they were often solicited, in secret, to take up arms against the state, information and obedience from them were always rewarded.

to assist in retrieving it. And when the capitol was seized by the slaves, and neither the consuls nor the Senate could persuade the people that this servile war was anything but an artifice of the Patricians to postpone the laws then before them, the dictator of Tusculum, thinking this a fine chance to curry favor with so great an ally, immediately marched with an army into the forum, and, by his assistance, the citadel was snatched from the slaves and the Republic perhaps rescued from destruction.

It is the policy of a modern kingdom (we speak of Prussia), to educate the people at the public expense. The rising hopes of the nation are taken from the care of their parents, and placed under that of the government. This provision, apparently humane and useful, has been much extolled by a celebrated report of a celebrated philosopher, and indeed by the press and the friends of learning throughout the world. But I fear that we have been deceived; and have mistaken a crafty de. sign to fetter, as a generous desire to enlighten the minds of men. Young persons are placed, at a very early age, under persons appointed by the king and receiving their pay from the government. Their minds are moulded just as those in power choose to direct; a uniform, universal mode of thinking prevails throughout the country. There is no scope for inquiry-no liberty of discussion-nor that elasticity of thought which springs from difference of opinion. So deep and abiding are the impressions made on the youthful mind, and so much do the permanence and grandeur of Republics rest upon the education of children, that I do not hesitate to say, that Rome was more than once indebted for her safety to the manner in which her young men were reared-not by the government, but by their own

care. For, when Caius Marius having fled to the Volsci, had returned with a hostile army to the very gates of the city, the Senate sent the wisest men in the

When there was any real danger from abroad, the Senate made it a point to conciliate and court the people. Thus, when alarmed by a foreign invasion, the people were freed from taxes, and were kindly told that they paid their tribute to the state by educating their children. This indulgence produced such union in the state, that the lowest classes hated kings as heartily as the highest; and no man, by the meanest arts, was ever so popular as was the whole Senate at these times. So condescending are the great, when it is their interest to be so, and so grateful are the people for kindness, even when done from unworthy motives! Again: As soon as the tribunes had prepared the people for tumult, and were themselves ripe for sedition, the Senate stirred up a war with some neighboring tribe; that private grievances might be drowned in the general danger, and domestic dissensions quelled by foreign alarm. When the consuls could not rely on the valor, or rather the fidelity of their troops; when they dreaded no enemy more than their own soldiers, and no strength more than their own arms; they always kept their forces within the camp, in hopes that time would soften their anger, and restore them to their allegiance. They en-parents-not at the public expense, but by private couraged the enemy to taunt and insult their troops, until indignation and shame turned their thoughts from home to abroad, and their breasts burned in turn with foreign and domestic animosities. The consuls delay-state to proffer terms of peace. But these were haughthe soldiers urge the consuls deliberate-the soldiers beg for battle. At last, their minds are ripe for action, and orders are given to commence the engagement. The general exacts an oath from the soldiers, that they will die or return victorious from the field. And when did a Roman ever take an oath which he did not fulfil? It is a principle with those who wish to make their power as lasting as possible, to reward their friends and punish their enemies. Most men are too fond, or perhaps too much in need of the favor of the great, to brave their resentment, when by servility they are able to get under their wings. And what is strange, this rule of action, always allied with ambition or revenge, is, in modern times at least, viewed as the offspring of generosity of spirit and nobleness of heart. The Romans were too well acquainted with human nature not to take advantage of this weakness; and while they pursued their enemies with sleepless activity, loaded their friends with unending kindness. The fruits of this policy were immediately seen. Those who dreaded their hatred, courted their favor; and the friends which they already had, were grappled to their bosom with hooks of steel. When the consuls were besieged in their camp, so that not even a messenger could be sent to inform the Senate of their danger, these faithful allies not only gave notice of the disaster, but offered

tily refused by the proud avenger of his wrongs, and the ambassadors came back only to increase the alarm and consternation of the people. The priests and ministers of religion then formed a long and mournful procession, and, marching to the camp, interposed their prayers and holy offices to soften the heart of this enemy at once, and exile of Rome. But he turned a deaf ear to their sad rites and solemn ceremonies. At last, when hope had given way to despair, the matrons went forth to supplicate the mercy of this inexorable foe. Not the tears of moving beauty, nor the shrieks of affrighted innocence; neither soft affection for an imploring wife, nor tender solicitude for lisping babes; could touch the chords of his hard but not inaccessible heart. Reverence for his parents put to flight every other feeling; and this man, unmoved by all that usually affects the human heart, was induced by filial piety alone, to withdraw his army from the gates of the city; and, after a train of misfortunes rich with moral instruction, closed by a miserable death his splendid but not faultless career.

Lawgivers have, in all ages, found religion of great service in governing Senates, leading armies, and keeping the people in order. The Augurs went with the army, and before a battle was proclaimed, always examined the entrails of birds. If they were favorable,

that is mean? At all times, and in all places, palsied be the arm, and speechless be the tongue, that would lift themselves against an honest man fighting in an honest cause!

the joyful news was proclaimed to the soldiers, who, I made so ridiculous by those who practice and admire under a fond delusion that heaven was on their side it, that we cannot allude to it with a sober face ;--we and had already decreed them a victory, fought with speak of rotation in office. This principle has been hopes that gave strength to the weak and courage to called the essence of every sound Republic. But it is the timid. The Sybilline books were preserved by not republican to turn men out of office, merely for the priests appointed to expound their mysterious contents, sake of a change. Under pretence of encouraging virand, if any tumults arose in the city, the consuls ordered tue and talents, it gives birth to a spirit of fawning them to be searched; and the ministers of religion de- and flattery that finally ends in despotism. It is declared that it was there foretold, that the city would be structive of freedom of opinion, and freedom of speech. attacked if civil discords prevailed during the year. It is at war with the first principles of liberty, and Some think it savors of atheism, to bring the mistress the plainest notions of common sense. Instead of to serve the handmaid-religion to serve policy. With-throwing power from hand to hand, it inevitably draws out doubt, religion unfolds higher views than mere it into the grasp of one man. It lulls the people to policy aims at. It needs not the support of falsehood, sleep, and puts a blindfold over their eyes while slumand can gain no strength from lies. But they who de- bering in fatal security. It never was a part of the Roclare, that the sentiments which we advance are the man constitution-it most assuredly is not of ours. It opinions of crafty and cunning men, and lead to all that never was practised by them-it should not be by us. is perverse in politics, depraved in morality, and wicked Let us not be misunderstood. No one cherishes more in religion, are rather to be esteemed for their honest warmly than we do the representative principle of our indignation than admired for the excellence of their government. No one more stoutly claims, or would judgment. For we hold these truths to be undeniable-more willingly exercise, the right of instruction at the that no state can prosper which throws religion aside; polls. Thanks be to our fathers, we can show our and that the word of God was intended, and ought be power often enough, to make those to whom it is enmade use of, to regulate the conduct of men towards trusted feel and own their responsibility. But we say their government, as much as their conduct towards that this government will be virtually at an end, when one another. talents and honesty are indiscriminately proscribed. Among the many customs which may be traced up What is there worth living for in a Republic, where to the early times of the state, we may add the census-every thing that is noble must bend before every thing by which an account was taken every five years of the numbers and estates of the people, as the best measure of their progress or decline, and the surest test of their policy and conduct as a nation. This custom, which was first brought into England by William the Con- But there is a principle which was a part of Roman queror, in the compilation of Domesday Book, and polity, and which is a main bulwark of American liberwhich has since become so common, was of great serty-to limit the term of offices to short periods. These vice, not only in ascertaining the power of the Repub-periods were sufficiently protracted to enable a magislic, but in subjecting that power to order and discipline. The greatness of a nation depends upon the private morals of its citizens, and these are too apt to become corrupt when the gradations are so easy between success and prosperity, luxury and dissolution. Men, perhaps, are not fonder of vice than a good reputation, and are impelled to crime by no motive stronger than the hope of secrecy. As they rise higher by cunning and deceit than downright honesty, and are never more dangerous than when they have imposed upon the peo-scripta and lex non scripta, so constitutions may be diple by false pretensions to virtue or wisdom, nothing vided into those which are written and those which are is more necessary to a free Republic than that the cha- unwritten. The Romans never met and adopted a racter of every one be known. And however invi- form of government that could not be altered without dious it may seem to inquire too minutely into the the formal vote of a large majority of the people. Laws private lives and little failings of men, this ought al- were passed, as occasions demanded—and institutions ways to be expected-certainly borne by those who founded, as emergencies called for. Their political syslay claims to the confidence of the people, or aspire to tem grew in excellence as it ripened with time. It was the government of the state. The most powerful incen- not formed all at once, or by the same persons in a fixed tive is thus given to virtue, and the highest rewards convention. Its deficiencies could be supplied and its held out to talents. And let any man read the history redundancies lopped off, without that excitement and of Rome, and point, if he can, to a city where the peo-convulsion which always attend a change, or even prople were so uniformly guided in their elections by the merits of the candidates. How often were the turbulent and ambitious tribunes defeated for offices, which they themselves had the chief agency in creating! How often did the people pass by men of their own rank, and confer the offices in their gift upon proud, but bold and brave Patricians!

trate to become familiar with the duties of his station, and yet not long enough for him to form any plans against the public liberty. The great maxim upon which all governments should be built, and which was a prominent feature of the Roman constitution, was that the greater the power the shorter the term-and inversely, the smaller the power, the longer may the duration of office safely be.

As the common law of England is divided into lex

posal to change, the settled constitution of a country. Besides, occasions frequently arise which no written instrument could have foreseen, and which, without the passage of some new law, or the election of some new magistrates, frequently bring ruin on the state. It is not an easy matter to write a constitution that shall guard sufficiently against innovation and yet always There is a principle of government which has been suit the peculiar exigencies of the times. Between the