SO from them. In short, he has given neither the moral nor the social sentiments a place in his scheme of human nature. The opponents of this selfish system have been numberless; nor is the controversy terminated even at the present day. The most eminent of those who have ranged themselves against Hobbes are Cumberland, Cudworth, Shaftesbury, Clarke, Butler, Hutcheson, Kames, Smith, Stewart, and Brown. Though he has been stigmatised as an atheist, the charge is groundless, as may be inferred from what he says in his Treatise on Human Nature. Conceptions of the Deity. other marks of the royal favour, much odium continued to prevail against him and his doctrines. The Leviathan and De Cive were censured in parliament in 1666, and also drew forth many printed replies. Among the authors of these, the most distinguished was Lord Clarendon, who, in 1676, published A Brief View and Survey of the Dangerous and Pernicious Errors to Church and State, in Mr Hobbes's Book, entitled Leviathan. In 1672, in his eighty-fifth year, Hobbes wrote his own life in Latin verse! He next appeared as a translator of Homer, having published a version of four books of the Odyssey, which was well received, that, in 1675, he sent forth a translation of the remainder of that poem, and also of the whole Iliad. Here, according to Pope, Forasmuch as God Almighty is incomprehensible, it 'Hobbes has given us a correct explanation of followeth that we can have no conception or image of the sense in general; but for particulars and cir- the Deity; and, consequently, all his attributes signify cumstances, he continually lops them, and often concerning his nature, and not any conception of the our inability and defect of power to conceive anything omits the most beautiful.' Nevertheless, the work same, except only this, That there is a God. For the became so popular, that three large editions were effects, we acknowledge naturally, do include a power required within less than ten years. Hobbes was of their producing, before they were produced; and that more successful as a translator in prose than in power presupposeth something existent that hath such poetry; his version of the Greek historian Thucyd-power: and the thing so existing with power to produce, ides which had appeared in 1629, and was the if it were not eternal, must needs have been produced first work that he published-being still regarded by somewhat before it, and that, again, by something as the best English translation of that author. Its else before that, till we come to an eternal-that is to faithfulness to the original is so great, that it say, the first-Power of all Powers, and first Cause of all frequently degenerates into servility. This work, Causes: and thus is it which all men conceive by the he says, was undertaken by him 'from an honest name of GOD, implying eternity, incomprehensibility, desire of preventing, if possible, those disturbances know that God is, though not what he is even a man and omnipotency. And this all that will consider may in which he was apprehensive that his country that is born blind, though it be not possible for him to would be involved, by shewing, in the history of have any imagination what kind of thing fire is, yet he the Peloponnesian war, the fatal consequences of cannot but know that something there is that men call intestine troubles.' At Chatsworth, to which he fire, because it warmeth him. retired in 1674, to spend the remainder of his days, Hobbes continued to compose various works, the principal of which, entitled Behemoth, or a History of the Civil Wars from 1640 to 1660, was finished in 1679, but did not appear till after his death, which took place December 4, 1679, in his ninetysecond year. Pity and Indignation. : Pity is imagination or fiction of future calamity to ourselves, proceeding from the sense of another man's calamity. But when it lighteth on such as we think have not deserved the same, the compassion is greater, because then there appeareth more probability that the same may happen to us; for the evil that happeneth to an innocent man may happen to every man. But when we see a man suffer for great crimes, which we cannot easily think will fall upon ourselves, the pity is the less. And therefore men are apt to pity those whom they love; for whom they love they think worthy of good, and therefore not worthy of calamity. Thence it is also that men pity the vices of some persons at the first sight only, out of love to their aspect. The contrary of pity is hardness of heart, proceeding either from slowness of imagination, or some extreme great opinion of their own exemption from the like calamity, or from hatred of all or most men. Hobbes is described by Lord Clarendon as one for whom he 'had always had a great esteem, as a man who, besides his eminent parts of learning and knowledge, hath been always looked upon as a man of probity and a life free from scandal.' It was a saying of Charles II. in reference to the opposition which the doctrines of Hobbes met from the clergy, that he was a bear, against whom the church played their young dogs, in order to exercise them.' In his latter years, he became morose and impatient of contradiction, both by reason of his growing infirmities, and from indulging too much in solitude, by which his natural arrogance and contempt for the opinions of other men were greatly increased. He at no time read extensively: Homer, Virgil, Thucydides, and Euclid were his favourite authors; and he used to say that, 'if he had read as much as other men, he should have been as ignorant as they.' Macaulay characterises the language of Hobbes as more precise and luminous than has ever been employed by any other metaphysical writer.' Among his greatest philosophical errors are those of making no distinction between the intellectual and emotive faculties of man-of representing all human actions as the results of intellectual deliberation alone-and of in every case deriving just Emulation is grief arising from seeing one's self and benevolent actions from a cool survey of the exceeded or excelled by his concurrent, together with advantages to self which may be expected to flow | hope to equal or exceed him in time to come, by his own Indignation is that grief which consisteth in the conception of good success happening to them whom they think unworthy thereof. Seeing, therefore, men think all those unworthy whom they hate, they think them not only unworthy of the good-fortune they have, but also of their own virtues. And of all the passions of the mind, these two, indignation and pity, are most raised and increased by eloquence; for the aggravation of the calamity, and extenuation of the fault, augmenteth pity; and the extenuation of the worth of the person, the parts of an orator, are able to turn these two passions together with the magnifying of his success, which are into fury. Emulation and Envy. ability. But envy is the same grief joined with pleasure conceived in the imagination of some ill-fortune that may befall him. Laughter. There is a passion that hath no name; but the sign of it is that distortion of the countenance which we call laughter, which is always joy: but what joy, what we think, and wherein we triumph when we laugh, is not hitherto declared by any. That it consisteth in wit, or, as they call it, in the jest, experience confuteth; for men laugh at mischances and indecencies, wherein there lieth no wit nor jest at all. And forasmuch as the same thing is no more ridiculous when it groweth stale or usual, whatsoever it be that moveth laughter, it must be new and unexpected. Men laugh often-especially such as are greedy of applause from everything they do well-at their own actions performed never so little beyond their own expectations; as also at their own jests and in this case it is manifest that the passion of laughter proceedeth from a sudden conception of some ability in himself that laugheth. Also, men laugh at the infirmities of others, by comparison wherewith their own abilities are set off and illustrated. Also men laugh at jests, the wit whereof always consisteth in the elegant discovering and conveying to our minds some absurdity of another; and in this case also the passion of laughter proceeded from the sudden imagination of our own odds and eminency; for what is else the recommending of ourselves to our own good opinion, by comparison with another man's infirmity or absurdity? For when a jest is broken upon ourselves, or friends, of whose dishonour we participate, we never laugh thereat. I may therefore conclude, that the passion of laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from a sudden conception of some eminency in ourselves, by comparison with the infirmity of others, or with our own formerly; for men laugh at the follies of themselves past, when they come suddenly to remembrance, except they bring with them any present dishonour. It is no wonder, therefore, that men take heinously to be laughed at or deridedthat is, triumphed over. Laughing without offence, must be at absurdities and infirmities abstracted from persons, and when all the company may laugh together; for laughing to one's self putteth all the rest into jealousy and examination of themselves. Besides, it is vain-glory, and an argument of little worth, to think the infirmity of another sufficient matter for his triumph. Love of Knowledge. natural philosophy from the strange effects of the elements and other bodies. And from the degrees of curiosity proceed also the degrees of knowledge amongst men; for, to a man in the chase of riches or authority --which in respect of knowledge are but sensuality—it is a diversity of little pleasure, whether it be the motion of the sun or the earth that maketh the day; or to enter into other contemplations of any strange accident otherwise than whether it conduce or not to the end he pursueth. Because curiosity is delight, therefore also novelty is so; but especially that novelty from which a man conceiveth an opinion, true or false, of bettering his own estate; for, in such case, they stand affected with the hope that all gamesters have while the cards are shuffling. The question is not, whether a man be a free agent, that is to say, whether he can write or forbear, speak or be silent, according to his will; but whether the will to write, and the will to forbear, come upon him according to his will, or according to anything else in his own will; but to say, I can will if I will, I take to be an power. I acknowledge this liberty, that I can do if I absurd speech. [In answer to Bishop Bramhall's assertion, that the doctrine of free-will 'is the belief of all mankind, which we have not learned from our tutors, but is imprinted in our hearts by nature']-It is true, very few have learned from tutors, that a man is not free to will; nor do they find it much in books. That they find in books, that which the poets chant in the theatres, and the shepherds on the mountains, that which the pastors teach in the churches, and the doctors in the universities, and that which the common people in the markets and all mankind in the whole world do assent unto, is the same that I assent unto-namely, that a man hath freedom to do if he will; but whether he hath freedom to will, is a question which it seems neither the bishop nor they ever thought on. A wooden top that is lashed by the boys, and runs about, sometimes to one wall, sometimes to another, sometimes spinning, sometimes hitting men on the shins, if it were sensible of its own motion, would think it proceeded from its own will, unless it felt what lashed it. And is a man any wiser when he runs to one place for a benefice, to another for a bargain, and troubles the world with writing errors and requiring answers, because he thinks he does it without other cause than his own will, and seeth not what are the lashings that cause that will? On Precision in Language. Seeing that truth consisteth in the right ordering of names in our affirmations, a man that seeketh precise truth had need to remember what every name he useth stands for, and to place it accordingly, or else he will find himself entangled in words as a bird in lime-twigs fore in geometry, which is the only science that it hath pleased God hitherto to bestow on mankind, men begin at settling the significations of their words; which settling of significations they call definitions, and place them in the beginning of their reckoning. Forasmuch as all knowledge beginneth from experience, therefore also new experience is the beginning of new knowledge, and the increase of experience the beginning of the increase of knowledge. Whatsoever, therefore, happeneth new to a man, giveth the matter of hope of knowing somewhat that he knew not before. And this hope and expectation of future knowledge from anything that happeneth new and strange, is that passion which we commonly call admiration; and the same considered as appetite, is called curiosity, which is appetite-the more he struggles, the more belimed. And thereof knowledge. As in the discerning of faculties, man leaveth all community with beasts at the faculty of imposing names, so also doth he surmount their nature at this passion of curiosity. For when a beast seeth anything new and strange to him, he considereth it so far only as to discern whether it be likely to serve his turn or hurt him, and accordingly approacheth nearer to it, or fleeth from it: whereas man, who in most events remembereth in what manner they were caused and begun, looketh for the cause and beginning of everything that ariseth new unto him. And from this passion of admiration and curiosity, have arisen not only the invention of names, but also supposition of such causes of all things as they thought might produce them. And from this beginning is derived all philosophy, as astronomy from the admiration of the course of heaven; By this it appears how necessary it is for any man that aspires to true knowledge to examine the definitions of former authors; and either to correct them where they are negligently set down, or to make them himself. For the errors of definitions multiply themselves according as the reckoning proceeds, and lead men into absurdities, which at last they see, but cannot avoid without reckoning anew from the beginning, in which lies the foundation of their errors. From whence it happens that they which trust to books do as they that cast up many little sums into a greater, without considering continued to exert himself in diffusing his republican opinions, by founding a debating club, called the Rota, and holding conversations with visitors at his own house. This brought him under the suspicion of government soon after the Restoration, and, on pretence of treasonable practices, he was SIR ROBERT FILMER. whether those little sums were rightly cast up or not; and at last, finding the error visible, and not mistrusting their first grounds, know not which way to clear themselves, but spend time in fluttering over their books, as birds that, entering by the chimney, flutter at the false light of a glass window, for want of wit to consider which way they came in. So that in the right definition of names lies the first use of speech, which is the acquisi-put into confinement, which lasted until an attack tion of science, and in wrong or no definitions lies the of mental derangement made it desirable that he first abuse; from which proceed all false and senseless should be given in charge to his friends. tenets, which make those men that take their instruction from the authority of books, and not from their own meditation, to be as much below the condition of ignorant men as men endued with true science are above it. For between true science and erroneous doctrines, extreme or unlimited monarchical power were pubA number of political treatises in favour of ignorance is in the middle. Natural sense and imagina-lished at this time by SIR ROBERT FILMER (who tion are not subject to absurdity. Nature itself cannot err; and as men abound in copiousness of language, so they become more wise or more mad than ordinary. Nor is it possible without letters for any man to become either excellently wise, or, unless his memory be hurt by disease or ill constitution of organs, excellently foolish. For words are wise men's counters-they do but reckon by them--but they are the money of fools, that value them by the authority of an Aristotle, a Cicero, or a Thomas, or any other doctor whatsoever, if but a man. JAMES HARRINGTON. died in 1688). The first of these seems to have appeared in 1646, and the latest (also the most celebrated) in 1680. The latter was entitled Patriarcha, and was written to prove that all government was derived from paternal authority, that the law of primogeniture was divine and immutable, and a hereditary monarchy the only form of government consonant with the will of God. This slavish doctrine was adopted by the university of Oxford in 1683! Filmer's work is a poor production, but his theory was answered by Algernon Sidney and Locke. ALGERNON SIDNEY. JAMES HARRINGTON (1611–1677) was a native of Northamptonshire. He studied at Oxford, and for some time was a pupil of the celebrated Chillingworth. Afterwards, he went abroad for ALGERNON SIDNEY (or Sydney)-circa 1621several years. While resident at the Hague, and 1683-son of Robert, Earl of Leicester, is another subsequently at Venice, he imbibed many of those memorable republican writer of this age. During republican views which afterwards characterised his father's lieutenancy in Ireland, he served in the his writings. Visiting Rome, he attracted some army against the rebels in that kingdom. In 1643, attention by refusing on a public occasion to kiss during the Civil War between the king and parthe pope's toe; conduct which he afterwards liament, Sidney was permitted to return to adroitly defended to the king of England, by England, where he immediately joined the parliasaying, that, having had the honour of kissing mentary forces, and, as colonel of a regiment of his majesty's hand, he thought it beneath him to horse, was present at several engagements. He was kiss the toe of any other monarch.' During the likewise successively governor of Chichester, DubCivil War, he was appointed by the parliamentary lin, and Dover. In 1648, he was named a member commissioners to be one of the personal attendants of the court for trying the king, which, however, of King Charles, who, in 1647, nominated him one he did not attend, though apparently not from of the grooms of his bed-chamber. Except upon any disapproval of the intentions of those who politics, the king was fond of Harrington's con- composed it. The usurpation of Cromwell gave versation; and the impression made on the latter offence to Sidney, who declined to accept office by the royal condescension and familiarity was either under the Protector or his son Richard; such, as to render him very desirous that a recon- but when the Long Parliament recovered power, ciliation between his majesty and the parliament he readily consented to act as one of the Council might be effected, and to excite in him the most of State. At the time of the Restoration, he was violent grief when the king was brought to the engaged in a continental embassy; and apprescaffold. He has, nevertheless, in his writings, hensive of the vengeance of the royalists, he placed Charles in an unfavourable light, and remained abroad for seventeen years, at the end spoken of his execution as the consequence of a of which his father, who was anxious to see him Divine judgment. During the sway of Cromwell, before leaving the world, procured his pardon from Harrington occupied himself in composing the the king. After Sidney's return to England in 1677, Oceana, which was published in 1656, and led to he opposed the measures of the court, which has several controversies. This work is a political subjected him to the censure of Hume and others, romance, illustrating the author's idea of a republic who hold that such conduct, after the royal pardon, constituted so as to secure that general freedom was ungrateful. Probably Sidney himself regarded of which he was so ardent an admirer. All power, the pardon as rather a cessation of injustice than he maintains, depends upon property-chiefly upon as an obligation to implicit submission for the land. An agrarian law should fix the balance future. A more serious charge against the memory of lands; and the government should be estab- of this patriot was first presented in Dalrymple's lished upon an equal agrarian basis, rising into Memoirs of Great Britain, published nearly a the superstructure, or three orders, the senate century after his death. The English patriots, debating and proposing, the people resolving, and with Lord William Russell at their head, intrigued the magistracy executing by an equal rotation with Barillon, the French ambassador, to prevent through the suffrage of the people given by ballot.' war between France and England, their purpose After the publication of the Oceana, Harrington | being to preclude Charles II. from having the talents, no less than on the patriotism of their noble author. They fill a folio volume of 462 pages. Liberty and Government. command of the large funds which on such an occasion must have been intrusted to him, and which he might have used against the liberties of the nation; while Louis was not less anxious to prevent the English from joining the list of his enemies. The association was a strange one; but Such as enter into society must, in some degree, diminish their liberty. Reason leads them to this. it never would have been held as a moral stain upon No one man or family is able to provide that which the patriots, if Sir John Dalrymple had not discov- is requisite for their convenience or security, whilst ered amongst Barillon's papers one containing a every one has an equal right to everything, and none list of persons receiving bribes from the French acknowledges a superior to determine the controversies monarch, amongst whom appears the name of Sid- that upon such occasions must continually arise, and ney, together with those of several other leading will probably be so many and great, that mankind Whig members of parliament. Lord Russell was cannot bear them. Therefore, though I do not believe not of the number, but the probabilities are that Sid- that Bellarmine said a commonwealth could not exercise ney stooped to receive the money. He had made its power; for he could not be ignorant that Rome proposals to France in 1666 for an insurrection- and Athens did exercise theirs, and that all the regular which he thought might facilitate his cherished kingdoms in the world are commonwealths; yet there scheme of a republic-and the sum he then asked is nothing of absurdity in saying, that man cannot was 100,000 crowns, which the French monarch liberty that God hath given him. The liberty of one continue in the perpetual and entire fruition of the thought too much for an experiment. It is evi-is thwarted by that of another; and whilst they are dent, as Lord Macaulay has argued, how little national feeling was then in England, when Charles II. was willing to become the deputy of France, and a man like Algernon Sidney would have been content to see England reduced to the condition of a French province, in the wild hope that a foreign despot would assist him to establish his darling republic. It appears from the correspondence of his sister, Dorothy, Countess of Sunderland, that Algernon was violent and turbulent of temper and disposition. He took a conspicuous part in the proceedings by which the Whigs endeavoured to exclude the Duke of York from the throne; and when that attempt failed, he joined in the conspiracy for an insurrection to accomplish the same object. This, as is well known, was exposed in consequence of the detection of an inferior plot for the assassination of the king, in which the patriots Russell, Sidney, and others were dexterously inculpated by the court. Sidney was tried for high treason before the infamous Chief-justice Jeffries. Although the only witness against him was an abandoned character, Lord Howard, and nothing could be produced that even ostensibly strengthened the evidence, except some manuscripts in which the lawfulness of resisting tyrants was maintained, and a preference given to a free over an arbitrary government, the jury were servile enough to obey the directions of the judge, and pronounce him guilty. Sidney was beheaded on the 7th of December 1683, glorying in his martyrdom for that 'old cause' in which he had been engaged from his youth. all equal, none will yield to any, otherwise than by a general consent. This is the ground of all just governments; for violence or fraud can create no right; and the same consent gives the form to them all, how much soever they differ from each other. Some small numbers of men, living (within the precincts of one city, have, as it were, cast into a common stock the right which they had of governing themselves and children, and, by common consent joining in one body, exercised such power over every single person as seemed beneficial to the whole; and this men call perfect democracy. Others choose rather to be governed by a select number of such as most excelled in wisdom and virtue; and this, according to the signification of the word, was called aristocracy; or when one man excelled all others, the government was put into his hands, under the name of monarchy. But the wisest, best, and far the greatest part of mankind, rejecting these simple species, did form governments mixed or composed of the three, as shall be proved hereafter, which commonly received their respective denomination from the part that prevailed, and did deserve praise or blame as they were well or ill proportioned. which we contend is of no use to us, since we cannot It were a folly hereupon to say, that the liberty for endure the solitude, barbarity, weakness, want, misery, and dangers that accompany it whilst we live alone, nor can enter into a society without resigning it; for the choice of that society, and the liberty of framing it according to our own wills, for our own good, is all we seek. This remains to us whilst we form governments, that we ourselves are judges how far it is good for us to recede from our natural liberty; which is of so great importance, that from thence only we can know whether we are freemen or slaves; and the doth wholly depend on a right or wrong exercise of difference between the best government and the worst that power. If men are naturally free, such as have wisdom and understanding will always frame good governments; but if they are born under the necessity of a perpetual slavery, no wisdom can be of use to them; but all must for ever depend on the will of their lords, how cruel, mad, proud, or wicked soever they be.... Except some of his letters, the only published work of Algernon Sidney is Discourses on Government, which first appeared in 1698. The Discourses were written in reply to the Patriarcha of Sir Robert Filmer, referred to above-a weak vindication of the doctrine that the first kings were fathers of families; that it was unnatural for the people to govern or to choose governors; and that positive laws do not infringe The Grecians, amongst others who followed the light the natural and fatherly power of kings. This of reason, knew no other original title to the government 'royal charter, granted to kings by God,' Sidney of a nation, than that wisdom, valour, and justice which set himself to overturn, contending justly that was beneficial to the people. These qualities gave beFilmer had not used one argument that was Regna [the Governments of the Heroes]; and the venerginning to those governments which we call Heroum not false, nor cited one author whom he did notation paid to such as enjoyed them, proceeded from a pervert and abuse. Locke afterwards attacked the work of Filmer with greater weight of reasoning; but Sidney's Discourses, though somewhat diffuse in style, reflect honour on the literary grateful sense of the good received from them; they were thought to be descended from the gods, who in virtue and beneficence surpassed other men: the same attended their descendants, till they came to abuse their power, and by their vices shewed themselves like to, or worse DR JOHN WILKINS. In this ill-natured clergymen studied to load him.' He way appear that even a swift journey to the moon would probably occupy a period of six monthshe naturally stumbles on the question, 'And how were it possible for any to tarry so long without diet or sleep?' I. For diet. I suppose there could be no trusting to that fancy of Philo the Jew (mentioned before), who thinks that the music of the spheres should supply the strength of food. DR JOHN WILKINS, bishop of Chester (1614-on by degrees from the knowledge of one thing to 1672), was a native of Oxford, son of a gold- another. It was a great while ere the planets smith in that city. Having sided with the popu- were distinguished from the fixed stars; and some lar party during the Civil War, he received, time after that ere the morning and evening stars when it proved victorious, the headship of Wad- were found to be the same. And in greater space, ham College, Oxford. While in that situation, I doubt not but this also, and other as excellent he was one of a small knot of university men mysteries, will be discovered.' Though it is eviwho used to meet for the cultivation of experi- dent that the possibility of any event whatsoever mental philosophy as a diversion from the painful might be argued on the same grounds, they seem thoughts excited by public calamities, and who, to have been quite satisfactory to Wilkins, who after the Restoration, were incorporated by Charles goes on to discuss the difficulties in the of II. under the title of the Royal Society. Having accomplishing the aërial journey. After disposing, married a sister of Oliver Cromwell in 1656, Dr by means of a tissue of absurd hypotheses, of the Wilkins was enabled, by a dispensation from the obstacles presented by 'the natural heaviness of a Protector, to retain his office in Wadham College, man's body,' and 'the extreme coldness and thinnotwithstanding a rule which made celibacy imper-ness of the ethereal air' and having made it ative on those who held it; but three years afterwards, he removed to Cambridge, the headship of Trinity College having been presented to him during the brief government of Richard Cromwell. At the Restoration, he was ejected from this office; but his politics being neither violent nor unaccommodating, the path of advancement did not long remain closed. Having gained the favour of the Duke of Buckingham, he was advanced, in 1668, to the see of Chester. Bishop Burnet says of Wilkins: 'He was a man of as great mind, as true a judgment, as eminent virtues, and of as good a soul, as any I ever knew. Though he married Cromwell's sister, yet he made no other use of that alliance but to do good offices, and to cover the university of Oxford from the sourness of Owen and Goodwin. At Cambridge, he joined with those who studied to propagate better thoughts, to take men off from being in parties, or from narrow notions, from superstitious conceits and fierceness The difficulty as to sleep is removed by means about opinions. He was also a great observer of the following ingenious supposition: Seeing and promoter of experimental philosophy, which we do not then spend ourselves in any labour, we was then a new thing, and much looked after. shall not, it may be, need the refreshment of sleep. He was naturally ambitious; but was the wisest But if we do, we cannot desire a softer bed than clergyman I ever knew. He was a lover of man- the air, where we may repose ourselves firmly and kind, and had a delight in doing good.' Bishop safely as in our chambers.' The necessary supply Wilkins, like his friend and son-in-law Tillotson, and of food remains, however, to be provided for: the other moderate churchmen of the day, was an And here it is considerable, that since our bodies will object of violent censure to the high-church party; then be devoid of gravity, and other impediments of but fortunately he possessed, as Burnet further informs us, a courage which could stand against a current, and against all the reproaches with which Nor can we well conceive how a man should be able to carry so much luggage with him as might serve for his viaticum in so tedious a journey. 2. But if he could, yet he must have some time to rest and sleep in. And I believe he shall scarce find any lodgings by the way. No inns to entertain passengers, nor any castles in the air-unless they be enchanted ones -to receive poor pilgrims or errant knights. And so, consequently, he cannot have any possible hopes of reaching thither. motion, we shall not at all spend ourselves in any labour, and so, consequently, not much need the reparation of diet; but may, perhaps, live altogether without it, as |