UNITED STATES.

PERIOD VI.,

DISTINGUISHED FOR THE FORMATION AND ESTABLISH MENT OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION,

Extending from the disbanding of the army, 1783, to the inauguration of George Washington, as president of the United States, under the Federal Constitution, 1789.

Sec. 1. During the revolutionary war, the American people looked forward to a state of peace, independence, and self government, as almost necessarily ensuring every possible blessing. A short time was sufficient, however, to demonstrate that something, not yet possessed, was necessary to realize the private and publick prosperity that had been anticipated. After a

short struggle so to administer the existing system of government, as to make it competent to the great objects for which it was instituted, it became apparent that some other system must be substituted, or a general wreck of all that had been gained would ensue.

Sec. 2. At the close of the war, the debts* of the Union were computed to amount to somewhat more than forty millions of dollars. By the articles of confederation and union between the States, congress had the power to declare war, and borrow money, or issue bills of credit to carry it on; but it had not the ability to discharge debts, incurred by the war. All that con

*These debts were of two kinds, foreign and domestick. The foreign debt amounted to near eight millions of dollars, and was due to individuals in France-to the crown of France-to lenders in Holland and Spain. The domestick debt amounted to some more than thirty-four millions of dollars, and was due to persons who held loan office certificates-to the officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army, &c.

gress could do was to recommend to the individual Štates to raise money for that purpose.

Soon after the war, the attention of congress was drawn to this subject; the payment of the national debt being a matter of justice to creditors, as well as of vital importance to the preservation of the union. It was proposed, therefore, by congress, to the Sates, that they should grant to that body the power of laying a duty of five per cent. on all foreign goods, which should be imported, and that the revenue arising thence should be applied to the diminution of the publick debt, until it was extinguished.

To this proposal, most of the States assented, and passed an act, granting the power. But Rhode-Island, apprehensive that such a grant would lessen the advantages of her trade, declined passing an act for that purpose. Subsequently, New-York joined in the opposition, and rendered all prospect of raising a revenue, in this way, hopeless.

The consequence was, that even the interest of the publick debt remained unpaid. Certificates of publick debt lost their credit, and many of the officers and soldiers of the late army, who were poor, were compelled to sell these certificates at excessive reductions.

Sec. 3. While the friends of the national government were making unavailing efforts to fix upon a permanent revenue, which might enable it to preserve the national faith, other causes, besides the loss of confidence in the confederation, concurred to hasten a radical change in the political system of the United States.

Among these causes, the principal was the evil resulting from the restrictions of Great Britain, laid on the trade of the United States with the West Indies; the ports of those islands being shut against the vessels of the United States, and enormous duties imposed on our most valuable exports.

Had congress possessed the power, a remedy might have been found, in passing similar acts against Great Britain, but this power had not been delegated by the States to the congress. That thirteen independent

sovereignties, always jealous of one another, would separately concur in any proper measures to compe! Great Britain to relax, was not to be expected. The importance of an enlargement of the powers of congress was thus rendered still more obvious.

Sec. 4. During this enfeebled and disorganized state of the general government, attempts were made, in some of the States, to maintain their credit, and to satisfy their creditors. The attempt of Massachusetts to effect this, by means of a heavy tax, produced an open insurrection among the people. In some parts of the State, the people convened in tumultuous assemblies--obstructed the sitting of courts, and, finally, took arms in opposition to the laws of the State. The prudent measures of Gov. Bowdoin and his council, seconded by an armed force, under Gen. Lincoln, in the winter of 1786, gradually subdued the spirit of opposition, and restored the authority of the laws.

This rising of the people of Massachusetts is usually styled Shays' insurrection, from one Daniel Shays, a captain in the revolutionary army, who headed the insurgents. In August, 1786, fifteen hundred insurgents assembled at Northampton, took possession of the court-house, and prevented the session of the court. Similar outrages occurred at Worcester, Concord, Taunton, and Springfield. In New-Hampshire, also, a body of men arose in September, and surrounding the general assembly, sitting at Exeter, held them prisoners for several hours.

In this state of civil commotion, a body of troops, to the number of four thousand, was ordered out, by Massachusetts, to support the judicial courts, and suppress the insurrection. This force was put under the command of Gen. Lincoln. Another body of troops was collected, by Gen. Shepard, near Springfield. After some skirmishing, the insurgents were dispersed; several were taken prisoners and condemned, but were ultimately pardoned.

Sec. 5. The period seemed to have arrived, when it was to be decided whether the general government was to be supported or abandoned-whether the glorious objects of the revolutionary struggle should be realized or lost.

In January, 1786, the legislature of Virginia adopted

a resolution to appoint commissioners, who were to meet such others, as might be appointed by the other States, to take into consideration the subject of trade, and to provide for a uniform system of commercial relations, &c. This resolution, ultimately, led to a proposition for a general convention to consider the state of the union. But five States were represented in the convention, proposed by Virginia, which met at Annapolis. In consideration of the small number of States represented, the convention, without coming to any specific resolution on the particular subjects referred to them, adjourned to meet in Philadelphia, the succeeding May. Previously to adjournment, it was recommended to the several States, to appoint delegates for that meeting, and te give them power to revise the federal system.

Agreeably to the above recommendation, all the States of the Union, excepting Rhode Island, appointed commissioners, who, on the 19th of May, assembled at Philadelphia.

Of this body, Gen. Washington, one of the commissioners from Virginia, was unanimously elected president. The convention proceeded, with closed doors, to discuss the interesting subject submitted to their consideration.

Sec. 6. On the great principles which should form the basis of the constitution, not much difference of opinion prevailed. But, in reducing those principles to practical details, less harmony was to be expected. Such, indeed, was the difference of opinion, that, more than once, there was reason to fear, that the convention would rise, without effecting the object for which it was formed. Happily, however, it was at length agreed to sacrifice local interest on the altar of publick good, and on the 17th of September, 1787, the FEDERAL CONSTITUTION was presented to congress, who, shortly after, sent it to the several States for their consideration.

§ An abstract of this constitution, with its several subsequent amendments, follows: it is extracted from Mr. Webster's Elements of Useful Knowledge.

Of the Legislature. "The legislative power of the United States is vested in a congress, consisting of two houses or branches, a senate, and a house of representatives. The