ernment stock in the same, was passed, in the house, 86 to 84; in the senate 20 to 15; but was vetoed by the president, for the reason that appropriations for that object were unauthorized by the constitution. The leader in this measure was Mr. Calhoun, then a latitudinarian in his views of constitutional power.

CHAPTER XX.

ELECTION AND INAUGURATION OF MR. MONROE.-CORRESPONDENCE WITH

GEN. JACKSON.—CABINET APPOINTMENTS.-PRESIDENT'S TOUR.

Ar the presidential election in 1816, there was little opposition to the republican candidates. Of the votes of the presidential electors, Mr. Monroe and Mr. Tompkins received each 183; and 34 were given to Rufus King, the federal candidate for president, and about the same number were scattered upon a number of persons for vice-president.

Mr. Monroe was inangurated on the 4th of March, 1817, with the usual ceremonies. A prominent subject of his inaugural address was the national defense. With respect to securing the country against foreign dangers, his ideas seem to have gone beyond those of his two immediate predecessors. “ To put our extensive coast in such a state of defense as to secure our cities and interior from invasion," he said, “would be attended with expense; but the work, when finished, would be permanent; and it was fair to presume, that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to a greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for the great work.” “Our land and naval forces should be adequate to the necessary purposes; the former to garrison our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe; the latter, retained within the limits proper to a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States, with dignity in the wars of other powers, and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation.”

Respecting the encouragement of home industry, he said :

“ Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have done on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cau not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture, and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending the competition, it will enhance the price and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets."

As the best means of preserving our liberties, he said, “let us promote intelligence among the people. It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin."

Mr. Monroe entered upon the duties of his office under auspicious circumstances. The nation was at peace; and, although negotiations with Spain were still pending, there was no apprehension of an interruption of our amicable relations with any foreign power. The return of peace had been succeeded by a political calm. The federal party as an organization, was defunct, beyond the hope of resuscitation: and not the least cheering reflection was, that his administration would escape the embarrassments of a powerful party opposition which had been experienced by all former administrations. Says the address : “ Equally

' gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion which pervades the union. Discord does not belong to our system. Union is recommended, as well by the free and benign principles of our government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it.” He adds: “To promote this harmony in accordance with the principles of our government, and in a manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance, in all other respects, the best interests of our country, will be the object of my constant and zealous exertions."

From the liberal and conciliatory spirit indicated by the inaugural address toward those who differed from him in their political opinions, it was inferred by some, that, in the bestowment of patronage, Mr. Monroe intended to make no discrimination. That such was not his intention, however, appears both from his practice and from his correspondence with Gen. Jackson, which, though it took place at that time, was not published until many years afterward. Immediately after the presidential election, and before the electors had yet cast their votes, Gen. Jackson, in a letter to Mr. Monroe, recommended the course above suggested. As the advice contained in that letter appears to have been prompted by a truly magnanimous and patriotic sentiment, which should be the guide

1

of every statesman, we transcribe the paragraph relating directiy to this subject :

“ Your happiness and the nation's welfare materially depend upon the selections which are to be made to fill the heads of departments. Every thing depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selection, party and party feelings should be avoided. Now is the time to exterminate that monster called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without any regard to party, you will go far to, if not entirely, eradicate those feelings, which, on former occasions, threw so many obstacles in the way of government; and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divided. The chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His conduct should be liberal and disinterested, always bearing in mind that he acts for the whole and not a part of the community. By this course you will exalt the national character, and acquire for yourself a name as imperishable as monumental marble. Consult no party in your choice, pursue the dictates of that unerring judgment which has so long and so often benefited our country, and rendered conspicuous its rulers. These are the sentiments of a friend; they are the feelings, if I know my own heart, of an undissembled patriot."

The time, however, had not yet come, in the opinion of Mr. Monroe, when it was politic to break down the partition wall between the parties. His views are thus expressed in his answer of December 14, 1816: The election has been made by the republican party, supposing that it has succeeded, and of a person known to be devoted to that cause. How shall he act? How organize the administration, so far as dependent on him, when in that station? How fill the vacancies existing at the time?

“ The distinction between republicans and federalists, even in the southern, and middle, and western states, has not been fully done away. To give effect to free government, and secure it from future danger, ought not its decided friends, who stood firm in the day of trial, to be principally relied on ? Would not the association of any of their opponents in the administration, itself wound their feelings, or, at least, of very many of them, to the injury of the republican cause? Might it not be considered, by the other party, as an offer of compromise with them, which would lessen the ignominy due to the counsels which produced the Hartford convention, and thereby have a tendency to revise that party on its former principles? My impression is, that the administration should rest strongly on the republican party, indulging toward the other a spirit of moderation, and evincing a desire to discriminate between its mem

I agree,

bers, and to bring the whole into the republican fold, as quietly as possible. Many men, very distinguished for their talents, are of opinion that the existence of the federal party is necessary to keep union and order in the republican ranks; that is, that free government can not exist without parties. This is not my opinion. The first object is to save the cause, which can be done by those who are devoted to it only, and of course by keeping them together; or, in other words, by not disgusting them by too hasty an act of liberality to the other party, thereby breaking the generous spirit of the republican party, and keeping alive that of the federal party. The second is, to prevent the reörganization and revival of the federal party, which, if my hypothesis is true, that the existence of party is not necessary to a free government, and the other opinion which I have advanced is well founded, that the great body of the federal party are republican, will not be found impracticable. To accomplish both objects, and thereby exterminate all party divisions in our country, and give new strength and stability to our govern. ment, is a great undertaking, not easily executed. I am, nevertheless, decidedly of opinion that it may be done; and should the experiment fail, I shall conclude that its failure was imputable more to the want of a correct knowledge of all circumstances claiming attention, and of sound judgment in the measures adopted, than to any other cause. I think, perfectly with you, in the grand object, that moderation should be shown to the federal party, and even a generous policy be adopted toward it; the only difference between us seems to be, how far shall that spirit be indulged in the outset; and it is to make you thoroughly acquainted with my views on this highly important subject, that I have written you so freely upon

it.” The correspondence between these two gentlemen was continued, taking, however, a different turn. Gen. Jackson, in a letter of the 6th of January, 1817, approved Mr. Monroe's exposition of “the rise, progress, and policy of the federalists;" and said: “Had I commanded the military department where the Hartford convention met, if it had been the last act of my life, I should have punished the three principal leaders of the party. I am certain an independent court-martial would have condemned them under the 2d section of the act establishing rules and regulations for the government of the army of the United States." These men, he said, although called federalists, wore really monarchists and traitors. But there were those called federalists who were honest, virtuous, and really attached to the government. He repeats his recommendation of Col. William H. Drayton, of South Carolina, though a federalist, as well qualified for the war department; and as if to remove any objections, on account of his being a federalist, he said :

“ Permit me to add, that names, of themselves, are but bubbles, and sometimes used for the most wicked purposes. I will name one instance. I have once been denounced as a federalist. You will smile when I name the cause. When your country put up your name in opposition to Mr. M., (Madison) I was one of those who gave you the preference, for the reason that, in the event of war, which was then probable, you would steer the vessel of state with more energy, &c. &c. That Mr. M., was one of the best of men, and a great civilian, I always thought; but I always

Ι believed that the mind of a philosopher could not dwell on blood and carnage with any composure: of course that he was not very well fitted for a a stormy sea. I was immediately branded with the epithet federalist, and you also. But I trust, when compared with the good old adage, of the tree being known by its fruit, it was unjustly applied to either."

Mr. Monroe, on the 1st of March, communicated to the general his selection of some of his cabinet officers. He states that Mr. Clay, who had declined the offer of the war department made to him the last summer by Mr. Madison, had again declined it; that he then fixed his mind on him, (Jackson) but doubted whether he ought to draw him from the command of the southern army, where, in case of any emergency, no one could supply his place. He then resolved to nominate

; though it was uncertain whether he would serve. For secretary of state he had determined upon Mr. Adams, “whose claims, by long service in our diplomatic concerns, appearing to entitle him to the preference, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the senate. Mr. Crawford, it is expected, will remain in the treasury."

In answer, (March 18,) the general approves the selection of Mr Adams as the best that could be made. In the bour of difficulty, he would be an able helpmate, and his appointment would afford general satisfaction.

In accordance with the sentiments expressed in his letter to Gen. Jackson, Mr. Monroe selected his cabinet officers exclusively from the republican party. John Quincy Adams, then minister at London, was called to the office of secretary of state; William H. Crawford was continued secretary of the treasury; and Benjamin W. Crowinshield, of Massachusetts, was continued secretary of the navy; Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, was selected for the department of war, but declining, the office was vacant until the appointment of John C. Calhoun, December 16, 1817; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, was continued attorney-general, performing also the duties of secretary of state, until the return of Mr. Adams, whom he succeeded as minister to Great Britain, in December following; when William Wirt was appointed attorney-general. Return J. Meigs, of Ohio, was continued postmaster-general. The last was not then a cabinet officer.

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