Adams. The prevailing sentiment was likewise in favor of Aaron Burr as the associate of Mr. Jefferson on the Republican ticket.

The appointment of electors took place at various times during the month of November, 1796. Sixteen States took part in the election, Tennessee having been admitted to the Union on June 1, 1796. The electors for that State were chosen by the legislature. Those for North Carolina were elected by the people. No other State changed its system, and there were, therefore, six States where there was a popular election, while in the other ten the choice was made by the legislature.

Attempts were made, while the elections were taking place, and after the electors had been chosen, to influence the result. They were of two classes. There was an effort in more than one quarter to represent that Mr. Adams was not faithful to the principles of Federalism, and that he could not be depended upon to follow out the policy which had guided Washington in his administration. Of this class was a communication signed "A Federalist," originally printed in a New York paper, but widely copied into the newspapers of other States, chiefly those favorable to Mr. Jefferson's pretensions, — in which it was asserted that Mr. Adams was never taken into the confidence of the President; that he was not accustomed to reside at the seat of government except during the sessions of Congress; that he was regarded only as the President of the Senate; and that he had privately expressed himself in terms of decided hostility to many of the measures of Washington's administration. The' object of this was, of course, to draw away from Mr. Adams a part of the votes of electors appointed as Federalists.

The other "bombshell" was cast by the minister of

France, M. Adet, probably at the instigation of his government. In the midst of the election he addressed a note to the Secretary of State, and also caused it to be published in all the newspapers which would print it, reproaching the administration with having violated its treaties with France, and with conducting itself in a most ungrateful manner toward a country which had rendered important assistance in the Revolutionary struggle. He also announced that he was directed by his government to suspend his diplomatic duties. The interruption of relations was, however, not to be interpreted "as a rupture between France and the United States, but as a mark of just discontent, which was to last until the government of the United States returned to sentiments and to measures more conformable to the interests of the alliance, and to the sworn friendship between the two nations."

This manifesto, if it had been able to exercise any influence at all upon the election, would have increased the vote for Mr. Jefferson, who was believed to be the fast friend of France, even to the extent of engaging in war in her support, if necessary; though it does not appear that Mr. Jefferson himself gave France any reason to expect him to adopt such a servile policy. But no effect of M. Adet's letter can be traced in the elections.

The popular vote in those States where there was a contest, real or nominal, is not preserved in a form to indicate the strength of the two parties. The minority usually refrained from voting altogether. The result by electoral votes is given on the next page.

The proceedings in preparation for the count of the electoral votes were in all respects similar to those of four years previous, except that the proposition for a joint committee originated this time in the Senate. The count itself is interesting on account of the fact that Mr.

Adams himself presided, opened and read the certificates, and declared himself elected, when the rejection of four votes which had been called in question would have defeated him and elected his opponent. The legislature of Vermont had appointed electors, but had not previously passed a law directing how they should be appointed. It was contended, privately, by some persons, that the appointment was invalid. But the question was not raised in Congress, or at the joint meeting for the count of the votes. Mr. Adams's opponents did not feel sure of their ground, and probably did not know how to proceed to make their objections effective. Mr. Madison wrote to Jefferson, Jan. 8, 1797, "If the Vermont votes be valid, as is now generally supposed, Mr. Adams will have

seventy-one and you sixty-eight, Pinckney being in the rear of both."

Mr. Adams could certainly not raise the question himself, but he seems to have given an opportunity for objections if anyone should see fit to raise them. The record shows this. When the tellers had reported the result, Mr. Adams thus addressed the assembled senators and representatives:

Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives,- By the report which has been made to me by the tellers appointed by the two Houses to examine the votes, there are 71 votes for John Adams, 68 for Thomas Jefferson [and so on to the end of the list]. The whole number of votes are 138; 70 therefore make a majority; so that the person who has 71 votes, which is the highest number, is elected President, and the person who has 68 votes, which is the next highest number, is elected Vice-President.

At this point Mr. Adams sat down for a moment. No person having interposed any remarks, he arose again and said:

In obedience to the Constitution and laws of the United States, and to the commands of both Houses of Congress, expressed in their resolution passed in the present session, I declare that John Adams is elected President of the United States for four years, to commence with the fourth day of March next; and that Thomas Jefferson is elected Vice-President of the United States for four years, to commence on the fourth day of March next.

And may the Sovereign of the Universe, the Ordainer of civil government on earth, for the preservation of liberty, justice, and peace among men, enable both to discharge the duties of these offices conformably to the Constitution of the United States, with conscientious diligence, punctuality, and perseverance.

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JEFFERSON AND BURR.

ALTHOUGH the administration of Mr. Adams began with a bare majority in his favor, alike among the people and in Congress, it became increasingly popular during the greater part of his term of office; and it was only as the election of the year 1800 drew near that his choice for a second term became even improbable.

The one overshadowing question during the whole administration was the relations with France. Notwithstanding the long-standing friendship between the two countries, the treatment of the American embassy appointed in 1797, consisting of Messrs. Elbridge Gerry, John Marshall, and C. C. Pinckney, and the insolent depredations of France upon our commerce, turned public sentiment strongly against that country. Congress approved military and naval preparations for war with France by strong majorities, and the people were heartily in favor of the administration, though the minority which protested was fierce and vehement. During the long session of 1797-98, which lasted more than eight months, the Alien and Sedition laws were passed. These two laws concentrated the opposition, and made the rallying cry for the Republican party at the ensuing elections. They are referred to in numerous Democratic platforms to be found in other pages of this volume, where hostility to foreigners is deprecated, and a promise is made to defeat any attempt to abridge the rights of naturalized citizens "with the same spirit which swept the Alien and