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are thoroughly convinced; and, confequently, having thus mentioned it, we have performed all that was due to it.

If this volume contains the whole of the Dean's Hiftorical Legacy, there is a miftake in the title and running-title of it, fo obvious, that it is almoft impertinent to point it out.-Inftead of being the Hiftory of the laft four years of the Queen, it defcends no lower than the conclufion of the Treaty of Utrecht; and tho' it gives a retrofpect of our domeftic ftate during the year 1711, zefied with a few ftrong incidents, it profeffedly opens with the opening of the Parliament in the clofe of that year: fo that, in reality, it contains little more than a fcantling of the workings of two adverse factions, in relation to a peace as earnestly contended for by the one, as opposed by the other, during two years and about four months only; and fhould have been called, in the phrafe of the Grays Inn Librarymonger, The Harleian Hiftory of the Treaty of Utrecht.

Divided it is into four books, tho' it does not comprehend the space of four years; and, in the firft, the Dean has followed the unfair precedent fet him by many Hiftorians, of foreftalling the Reader's judgment, by fubftituting Carricaturas instead of Characters, Monsters inftead of Men, and belpeaking his abhorrence of all the great names in the fequel, to be exposed and vilified; and, confequently, to reflect a proportionable degree of luftre on their oppofites. He that propofes to deal candidly with the public, will first establish his facts; and, if he fums up the evidence at all, will be confcientiously careful, not to injure the dead, or impofe upon the living.

We do not incline to follow the Dean, ftep by step, through his narrative. To take all his extraordinary fuggeftions upon truft, would be to pay him a much greater compliment than he deferves; and to give them a thorough difcuffion, would take up much more time than we have at present to fpare. This is certain, if one faction had a majority among the Lords, the other was equally predominant among the Commons. If the royal Prerogative of diftributing titles and honours was without limit, it neither was ufual nor prudent, for the Crown to lavish its whole stock at once. There is an extravagance, it is true, which arifes from neceffity; and if fuch was the Queen's cafe, it is hard to fay which were moft to blame; those who drove her Majesty to fuch extremities, or those who had recourfe to fuch an expedient to extricate her: Neither, it is plain, had fhewn any great reverence for the dignity of government; and, confequently, her Majefty's obligations were not great to either.

There is fome affectation of regard for the Elector of Hanover, (his late Majefty) in what the Dean fays of Bothmar's Memorial;

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Memorial; but the whole paffage is obfcure, for want of fome account of the Memorial itself. The affaffination project ascribed to Prince Eugene, cannot be read without horror. The Dean was aware of this himself; and yet, tho' he perfifts in saying, that it was confirmed paft all contradiction, by feveral intercepted letters and papers, he does not impart a fcrap of any one of them by way of voucher. Of the preparations made to receive the Duke of Marlborough at his laft return, by a folemn Pope-burning on Queen Elizabeth's day for fome defperate purpofe, he fpeaks with more diffidence, but equal malevolence; and having mentioned his Grace's difmiffion from the fervice, as an expedient of her Majefty's, to get clear of all ber difficulties at once, he proceeds in the fame ftrain of invective to the end of his first book.

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Art. 1. Occafional Reflections on the importance of the War in America, &c.

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Refixed to this voluminous Letter, which contains no less than

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vertisement in thefe words- The following sheets were written on a particular occafin; but the reflections contained in them, are of a general nature, and relate to things which appear to be pretty much connected with the real interefts of this country. Upon what particular occafion they were written, we are not folicitous to learn; but it is incumbent on us to obferve, that all the matter they contain, which is worthy of the Reader's attention, has been much more clearly and fenfibly explained by Mr. Poftlethwayt, and other Writers.

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But though our Author has been content thus humbly to copy from his cotemporaries, yet he is not altogether void of ambition, for he has ventured at fome original strokes of his own. Thus he tells us― There was lately a debate in the H-- of L-s upon the King's meffage, the avowed purpofe whereof was, a vote of credit for a million of money, &c. I was pleafed," fays he, to hear a thing of that kind managed more in the way of argument than debate, as, E own, I think it was neither a feafon nor a fübject for diffention, whatever occafion there might be to deliberate, or even to cxpoffulate.';

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Here he fets out with informing us, that there was a DEBATE about the King's meffage, and then, contradicting himself, he fays, he was pleased to hear a thing of this kind managed more in the way of argument than debate. After nicely diftinguishing between thefe two words, without fhewing any perceptible difference, he introduces a long-winded fentence, wherein there are no lefe than thirty crawling lines, to drag us to a full period; towards the conclusion of which he expreffes his fatisfaction at the refolution To pursue those meafures that may most effectually conduce to the fafety and fecurity of the nation, against the machinations and attempts of thofe powers, be they never fo great and formidable, whofe ambition prompts them to think of forging chains for our necks, or of wreathing a yoke ⚫ of fervitude upon any other part of the world, with which we are in the least degree connected by intereft, blood, religion, or even humanity alone.'

What he means by wreathing a yoke of fervitude upon any other part, &c. we are at a lofs to conjecture. We are humbly of opinion, that it is not material what part of the world the yoke is wreathed upon, but on what part the yoke is impofed, when wreathed. Might we prefume to amend this extraordinary metaphor, we would advise the Author, in the next edition, fhould fuch a phænomenon appear, to fit the yoke to our necks, and fhift the chains to fome other part. This he may easily do, by tranfpofing the words, which we recommend to be read in the following order noftro Periculo

Whofe ambition prompts them to think of wreathing a yoke of fervitude for our necks, or of forging chains for any other part of the world, &c.

The Reader will probably think the foregoing fpecimens fuficient to determine this Reflector's merit as a Writer and the following may ferve to fhew his excellence as a Politician.

Speaking of the alliance between France and Auria, he faysAre not we all fenfible that the happy turn, as we efteem it, and as it really was, which we got the councils of Europe to take, produced this strange and unexpected conjunction abroad?

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Wifely, I do fay, (for it is a juft tribute to give praife where it is ⚫ due) did our Miniftry, whoever they were, forefee, that no fooner fhould we break with France, than the, in her ordinary way, would fet to work, to raile a flame in Europe.

• Senfible of the error of the laft war, the Adminiftration was de• firous effectually to take off the King of Pruffia from his alliance with France. To fecure this great point, we began this time with a Ruffian treaty; and like a charm it wrought; for immediately after an alliance was concluded with the King of Pruffia.--And I dare fay, no body would have imagined that the Emprefs-Queen was to forfake us.'

No! would no body have imagined an event produced by the happy turn which we got the councils of Europe to take? Would no body have imagined, that if we took part with the enemies of the House of Austria, that the in return would fide with our enemies? Would

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Would no body have imagined, that among Princes, present oppofition cancels past obligations; and that as they are fuppofed to act for the good of the people, the ties of gratitude cannot bind them again't the intereft of their kingdoms?

But, though our Author highly extols the treaty with Pruffia, yet he owns that Certain it is, if it was the Ruffian treaty' (which, he fays, wrought like a charm) that produced the Pruffian alliance, it has been the latter which changed the views of the court of Petersburgh' Now we cannot perceive the wisdom and forefight of making one treaty to defeat another, and fome, perhaps, may rather con. fider fuch repugnant alliances, as inftances of m-1 improvidence, or inability.

Neither can we agree with our Author, that the King of Pruffia is involved in a war, for no other reasou but that, inftead of being against us, he agreed to be with us.' For it is notorious, that the confederacy against him was planned lon; before any treaty was fign. ed, or perhaps thought of, between him and us.

Upon the whole, on whatever occafion this tedious detail was written, we know of one occafion only in which it can be made ferviceable to the Purchaser.

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Art. 2. Proposals for amending the Militia Alt, fo as to eftablifb a ftrong and well-difciplined National Militia; in a Method confiftent with Justice due to the Rich, and with that Compassi on which true Policy requires fhould be at all Times fhewn to the Poor: And fo as to remove all Cause of Diflike of a Militia, from all who are willing to ftrengthen the kingdom. 8vo. 1s. Corbet.

This joculas-Writer propofes, that every perfon who occupies a houfe of forty pounds a year, fhall appear in person, or find a man five feet four inches high; that every perfon occupying a houfe of a hundred pounds per annum, shall find two fuch men. And as many fifty pounds per annum as any land or house shall be worth, the poffeffors are to find fo many able bodied men.

But, by this Gentleman's fcheme, the Ladies are not obliged 6 fend able-bodied men to do military duty, but are allowed to retain fuch in their own more gentle fervice. In the ninth article he tells us, very pleasantly,

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That the Pronouns he, and himself; and the perfonal Poffeffive bis, in this bill, fhall be understood as applied to either fix; but no women shall be compelled by any thing herein contained, to appear at a general rendezvous, or at any other place, armed like a militia mau; but every fingle woman who fhall be qualified as is herein ⚫ before mentioned to contribute to the defence and peace of the kingdom, fhall be excufed from fending any man or men to any ge ⚫neral rendezvous or mufter of militia men, upon condition that the ⚫ fhall yearly and every year, in the month of

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pay, or

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caufe to be paid, into the hands of the Treafurer of the county, riding, or other place, or to the Treasurers of the counties, ridings, or other places, wherein her land or lands, or houfe or houses, fhall be in time being fituated, the fum of twenty fhillings for, or on account of each man which he would have been obliged to have fent to a general rendezvous, had not this condition, or fomething " of like import, been inferted.'

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In the fifteenth article, he observes, that

Because learning the military difcipline will be of more fervice to the nation, and really more praife-worthy, than ferving seven years to learn how to make a pair of fhoes, or a loaf, or a pound of candles, or how to draw and trufs a fowl; therefore, be it enacted, That every man who fhall have attended ten general muflers of militia men, and fhall have performed the manual and military ⚫ exercife and evolutions, in an expert and foldier-like manner, at ⚫ each of those muftérs; or fhall from and after the day of

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have ferved during the time of three years in any of his Majefty's regimented forces, fhall have full liberty to fet up, exercife, and practife the bufinefs of any trade, or lawful employ" ment that he shall be able for.'

We do not know, otherwife than from the information of the Au thor, that it is neceffary to ferve feven years to draw and trufs a fowl; but we will venture to fay, that it is highly neceffary for him to ferve at least seven years in learning the laws and language of his country, before he attempts to trufs up an act of parliament.

R-d. Art. 3. The Reply of the Country Gentleman, to the Anfwer of his military Arguments. By the Officer. 8vo. 1s. Burnet. This fpirited Writer appears to have refuted the Anfwer to the military Arguments he advanced in a pamphlet intitled, The Expedition to Rochfort fairly stated. It is needlefs to fay more of this piece; as it only expatiates on facts which have been already laid before the public, who are well acquainted with the nature of the argument, and are by this time, perhaps, tired of the fubject. We will only obferve, that it contains fome animated ftrokes of perfonal fatire, by which the Writer feems to know, or at least to fufpect, who his antagonist is.

* Vid. the Catalogue in our two last Reviews.

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Art. 4. An Addrefs to the Great Man: With Advice to the Public. 8vo. Is. Robinson.

In the days of James the first this pamphlet would have made its way into the royal closet. It abounds with claffical citations and allufions; and is little more than a learned and laboured panegyric on Mr. Pitt. It must be confeffed, however, that it contains fome reflections on the prefent ftate of affairs, which, if not new, are nevertheless juft and feafonable. The language throughout is declamatory; and in many places bold and nervous.

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